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"FEBRUARY 25, 1915.

"Instructions regarding submarines applicable to vessels carrying a defensive armament:

"1. Defensively armed vessels should follow generally the instructions for ordinary merchant ships.

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"2. In submarine waters guns should be kept in instant readiness. 3. If a submarine is obviously pursuing a ship by day and it is evident to the master that she has hostile intentions, the ship pursued should open fire in self-defense, notwithstanding the submarine may not have committed a definite hostile act, such as firing a gun or torpedo.

"4. In view of the great difficulty in distinguishing a friend from an enemy at night fire should not be opened after dark unless it is absolutely certain that the vessel fired at is hostile.

"5. Before opening fire the British colors should be hoisted.

"It is essential that fire should not be opened under neutral colors."

FURTHER RULES FOR ATTACKS.

Exhibit 10 is a copy of British secret instructions No. 291 and is similar to and repeats instructions No. 45, printed above, with the addition of the following instructions:

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"In no circumstances is this paper to be allowed to fall into the hands of the enemy.

"This paper is for the master's personal information. It is not to be copied, and when not actually in use is to be kept in safety in a place where it can be destroyed at a moment's notice. Such portions as call for immediate action may be communicated verbally to the officers concerned.

"APRIL, 1915. "Instructions regarding submarines applicable to vessels carrying a defensive armament.

"6. If a defensively armed vessel is pursued by a submarine, the master has two alternatives:

"a. To open fire at long range immediately it is certain that the submarine is really in pursuit.

"b. To retain fire until the submarine has closed to a range, say, 800 yards, at which fire is likely to be effective.

"In view of the very great difficulty of distinguishing between friendly and hostile submarines at long range (one British submarine has already been fired at by a merchant vessel which erroneously supposed herself to be pursued by the submarine) it is strongly recommended that course should be adopted by all defensively armed ships. "7. A submarine's flag is no guide to her nationality, as German submarines frequently fly British colors.

"8. Vessels carrying a defensive armament and proceeding to neutral ports must not be painted in neutral colors or wear a neutral flag.

"9. It is recommended that in neutral ports, particularly those of Spain, the armament should be concealed as far as possible. A canvas cover is recommended for this purpose.'

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ORDERS TO TROOP TRANSPORTS.

Exhibit No. 11 purports to be the text of secret instructions to masters of transports carrying troops, issued by the British Admiralty, May 31, 1915, and found on the steamer Woodfield. The document follows:

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"Memorandum for issue to masters of transports carrying troops. "Use of rifle and machine-gun fire by troops on board transports against enemy submarines or torpedo crafts,

"1. In daylight a submarine will probably attack while submerged, with only her periscope showing.

"At night, in moonlight, a submarine may attack while on the surface, or with only her conning tower above water, owing to the difficulty of seeing through the periscope at night.

"2. In either case heavy rifle or machine-gun fire will make it more difficult for a submarine to make a successful shot with a torpedo. If submerged, no injury will be done to her, but a good volume of fire falling just short of the periscope will make splashes which will render it difficult for the observer to see clearly through the periscope.

"3. When a destroyer escort is accompanying a transport, troops should not open fire on a submarine, as it may prevent a destroyer from ramming her, nor should their weapons be loaded, in order to avoid the possibility of an escorting vessel being fired on by mistake, especially at night.

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4. When no escort is provided machine guns should be in readiness to open fire, and a strong party of riflemen should also be on duty.

"5. Military officers should be in command both of the machine guns and riflemen to control the fire.

"6. A military officer of the watch should be in command of the troops on deck. He should not order fire to be opened on a hostile submarine or torpedo vessel without the previous assent of the master or his representative-the ship's officer of the watch.

"7. The object of those controlling the fire should be to keep the center of the pattern just short of the hostile vessel.

"8. Machine-gun tripods can be lashed to the rails or other deck fittings. If there is motion on the ship and machine guns are fitted with elevating or training gear, it is advisable to disconnect it and point the gun by hand.

"9. Field guns with recoil mountings might possibly be secured on deck in such a manner as to permit of their being fired, but their arc of training would be very restricted, and it is unlikely that gun layers, without previous training afloat, could make satisfactory practice from a ship with motion on. Their use is not, therefore, recommended.

"10. In men-of-war it has been the practice for many years to station sentries with ball cartridge on deck opposite the boats in the

event of collision or other serious emergency likely to the boats being required. Their duties are to prevent anyone getting into the boats or attempting to lower the boats without orders from the captain or his representatives. This practice should be followed in transports. "ADMIRALTY.

"31st MAY, 1915."

The last of the appendices, Exhibit No. 12, purports to be instructions to British merchant vessels in the Mediterranean, alleged to have been found on the English steamer Linkmoor. It follows: "ADMIRALTY SUPERINTENDENT'S OFFICE, "Malta, June, 1915. "Instructions to British merchant vessels passing through the Mediterranean Sea.

"It is now certain that there are enemies' submarines at sea in the Mediterranean.

"In order to avoid attack you are to keep out of the track of shipping.

"You are to darken ship at night and are not to show navigation lights except at discretion to avoid collision, and all lights are to be extinguished when necessity is passed.

"You are to carry out the procedure recommended by the Admiralty in their printed instructions if a hostile submarine is sighted." The armed merchantmen an issue in Congress:

THE LETTER FROM SENATOR STONE TO WHICH THE PRESIDENT'S IS A REPLY.

UNITED STATES SENATE,
Washington, February 24.

DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: Since Senator Kern, Mr. Flood, and I talked with you on Monday evening I am more troubled than I have been for many a day. I have not felt authorized to repeat our conversation, but I have attempted, in response to numerous inquiries from my colleagues, to state to them, within the confidence that they should observe, my general understanding of your attitude. I have stated my understanding of your attitude to be substantially as follows:

That while you would deeply regret the rejection by Great Britain of Mr. Lansing's proposal for the disarmament of merchant vessels of the allies, with the understanding that Germany and her allies would not fire upon a merchant ship if she hauled to when summoned, not attempting to escape, and that the German warships. would only exercise the admitted right of visitation and capture, and would not destroy the captured ship except in circumstances that reasonably assured the safety of passengers and crew, you were of the opinion that if Great Britain and her allies rejected the proposal and insisted upon arming her merchant ships she would be within her right under international law.

Also that you would feel disposed to allow armed vessels to be cleared from our ports. Also that you are not favorably disposed to the idea of this Government taking any definite steps toward preventing American citizens from embarking upon armed merchant vessels. Furthermore, that you would consider it your duty if a German war

ship should fire upon an armed merchant vessel of the enemy upon which American citizens were passengers to hold Germany to strict

account.

Numerous Members of the Senate and the House have called to discuss this subject with me. I have felt that the Members of the two Houses who are to deal with this grave question were entitled to know the situation we are confronting as I understand it to be.

I think I should say to you that the Members of both Houses feel deeply concerned and disturbed by what they read and hear. I have heard of some talk to the effect that some are saying that after all it may be possible that the program of preparedness, so called, has some relation to just such a situation as we are called upon to meet.

I have counseled all who have talked with me to keep cool; that this whole business is still the subject of diplomacy, and that you are striving to the utmost to bring about some peaceable adjustment, and that in the meantime Congress should be careful not to "ball up" a diplomatic situation by any kind of hasty and ill-considered action. However, the situation in Congress is such as to excite a sense of deep concern in the minds of careful and thoughtful men.

I have felt that it is due to you to say this much. I think you understand my personal attitude with respect to this subject. As much and deeply as I would hate to radically disagree with you, I find it difficult from my sense of duty and responsibility to consent to plunge this Nation into the vortex of this world war because of the unreasonable obstinacy of any of the powers upon the one hand, or, on the other hand, of foolhardiness, amounting to a sort of moral treason against the Republic, of our people recklessly risking their lives on armed belligerent ships. I can not escape the conviction that such would be so monstrous as to be indefensible.

I want to be with you and to stand by you, and I mean to do so up to the last limit; and I want to talk with you and Secretary Lansing with the utmost frankness-to confer with you and to have your judg ment and counsel—and I want to be kept advised as to the course of events, as it seems to me I am entitled to be.

In the meantime I am striving to prevent anything being done by any Senator or Member calculated to embarrass your diplomatic negotiations. Up to the last you should be left free to act diplomatically as you think for the best to settle the questions involved. I need hardly say that my wish is to help, not to hinder, you.

With the highest regard and most sympathetic consideration, I have the honor, Mr. President, to be,

W. J. STONE.

On the same day the President addressed the Senator as follows: THE PRESIDENT'S LETTER TO SENATOR STONE MADE PUBLIC FEBRUARY 24.

THE WHITE HOUSE, Washington, February 24, 1916. MY DEAR SENATOR: I very warmly appreciate your kind and frank letter of to-day and feel that it calls for an equally frank reply.

You are right in assuming that I shall do everything in my power to keep the United States out of war. I think the country will feel no uneasiness about my course in that respect. Through many anx

ious months I have striven for that object, amidst difficulties more manifold than can have been apparent upon the surface, and so far I have succeeded. I do not doubt that I shall continue to succeed. The course which the central European powers have announced their intention of following in the future with regard to undersea warfare seems for the moment to threaten insuperable obstacles, but its apparent meaning is so manifestly inconsistent with explicit assurances recently given us by those powers with regard to their treatment of merchant vessels on the high seas that I must believe that explanations will presently ensue which will put a different aspect upon it. We have had no reason to question their good faith or their fidelity to their promises in the past, and I, for one, feel confident that we shall have none in the future.

But in any event our duty is clear. No nation, no group of nations, has the right while war is in progress, to alter or disregard the principles which all nations have agreed upon in mitigation of the horrors and sufferings of war; and if the clear rights of American citizens should ever unhappily be abridged or denied by any such action we should, it seems to me, have in honor no choice as to what our own course should be.

For my own part I can not consent to any abridgment of the rights of American citizens in any respect. The honor and selfrespect of the Nation are involved. We covet peace, and shall preserve it at any cost but the loss of honor. To forbid our people to exercise their rights for fear we might be called upon to vindicate them would be a deep humiliation indeed. It would be an implicit, all but an explicit, acquiescence in the violation of the rights of mankind everywhere and of whatever nation or allegiance. It would be a deliberate abdication of our hitherto proud position as spokesmen, even amidst the turmoil of war, for the law and the right. It would make everything this Government has attempted and everything that it has achieved during this terrible struggle of nations meaningless and futile.

It is important to reflect that if in this instance we allowed expediency to take the place of principle the door would inevitably be opened to still further concessions. Once accept a single abatement of right, and many other humiliations would certainly follow, and the whole fine fabric of international law might crumble under our hands, piece by piece. What we are contending for in this matter is of the very essence of the things that have made America a sovereign Nation. She can not yield them without conceding her own impotency as a Nation and making virtual surrender of her independent position among the nations of the world.

I am speaking, my dear Senator, in deep solemnity, without heat, with a clear consciousness of the high responsibilities of my office and as your sincere and devoted friend. If we should unhappily differ, we should differ as friends; but where issues so momentous as these are involved we must, just because we are friends, speak our minds without reservation.

Faithfully, yours,

WOODROW WILSON.

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