« ПретходнаНастави »
37, 38–39, 52, 55, 65, 114, 155, 157, 169
8, 10, 13, 38–52, 114–132, 155-157
30, 293, 342
182, 205, 229-234
95, 157, 274–280
17, 112, 172
See Armed merchant vessels.
Munitions of war, exportation of:
22, 48, 282
22, 181, 315, 319, 339
303, 318, 324, 334
38-52, 61-65, 114-132
65, 98, 139
124, 147, 161
7, 283, 413
155, 157, 160
317, 335, 340
THE PROBLEMS OF NEUTRALITY WHEN THE WORLD IS AT WAR,
AS TOLD IN DOCUMENTS.
OUR CONTROVERSY WITH GERMANY—THE SUBMARINE ISSUE.
On November 2, 1914, Great Britain declared the North Sea a military area. This is not a blockade. The order follows:
During the last week the Germans have scattered mines indiscriminately in the open sea on the main trade route from America to Liverpool via the north of Ireland.
Peaceful merchant ships have already been blown up, with loss of life, by this agency.
The White Star liner Olympic escaped disaster by pure luck, and but for warnings given by British cruisers other British and neutral merchant and passenger vessels would have been destroyed.
These mines can not have been laid by any German ship of war. They have been laid by some merchant vessel flying a neutral flag, which has come along the trade route as if for purpose of peaceful commerce, and, while profiting to the full by the immunity enjoyed 'by neutral merchant ships, has wantonly and recklessly endangered the lives of all who travel on the sea.
In these circumstances, having regard to the great interests intrusted to the British Navy, to the safety of peaceful commerce on the high seas, and to the maintenance within the limits of international law of trade between neutral countries, the Admiralty feels it necessary to adopt exceptional measures appropriate to the novel conditions under which this war is being waged.
It therefore gives notice that the whole of the North Sea must be considered a military area. Within this area merchant shipping of all kinds, traders of all countries, fishing craft and all other vessels will be exposed to the gravest dangers from mines it has been necessary to lay and from warships searching vigilantly by night and day. for suspicious craft.
All merchant and fishing vessels of every description are hereby warned of the dangers they encounter by entering this area, except in strict accordance with Admiralty directions. Every effort will be made to convey this warning to neutral countries and to vessels on the sea, but from November 5 onward the Admiralty announces that all ships passing a line drawn from the northern point of the Hebrides through the Farne Islands to Iceland do so at their own peril.
Ships of all countries wishing to trade to and from Norway, the Baltic, Denmark, and Holland are advised to come, if inward bound, by the English Channel and the Strait of Dover. There they will be given sailing directions which will pass them sa fely, so far as Great Britain is concerned, up the east coast of England to the Farne
Islands, whence a safe route will, if possible, be given to Lindesnas Lighthouse.
From this point they should turn north or south, according to their destination, keeping as near the coast as possible. The converse applies to vessels outward bound.
By strict adherence to these routes the commerce of all countries will be able to reach its destination in safety so far as Great Britain is concerned, but any straying, even for a few miles from the course thus indicated, may be followed by fatal consequences. (The New York Tribune, Nov. 3, 1914.)
On February 4, 1915, the German Government announced the famous war-zone order placing tủe British Isles within the danger zone after the 18th of February, 1915. It will be noted this was not a blockade. The order follows:
Since the commencement of the present war Great Britain's conduct of commercial warfare against Germany has been a mockery of all the principles of the law of nations. While the British Government have by several orders declared that their naval forces should be guided by the stipulations of the declaration of London, they have in reality repudiated this declaration in the most essential points, notwithstanding the fact that their own delegates at the maritime conference of London acknowledged its acts as forming part of existing international law. The British Government have placed a number of articles on the contraband list which are not at all, or only very indirectly, capable of use in warfare, and consequently can not be treated as contraband either under the declaration of London or under the generally acknowledged rules of international law. In addition, they have in fact obliterated the distinction between absolute and conditional contraband by confiscating all articles of conditional contraband destined for Germany, whatever may be the port where these articles are to be unloaded, and without regard to whether they are destined for uses of war or peace. They have not even hesitated to violate the declaration of Paris, since their naval forces have captured on neutral ships German property which was not contraband of war. Furthermore, they have gone further than their own orders respecting the declaration of London and caused numerous German subjects capable of bearing arms to be taken from neutral ships and made prisoners of war. Finally, they have declared the North Sea in its whole extent to be the seat of war, thereby rendering difficult and extremely dangerous, if not impossible, ai navigation on the high seas between Scotland and Norway, so that they have in a way established a blockade of neutral coasts and ports, which is contrary to the elementary principles of generally accepted international law. Clearly all these measures are part of a plan to strike not only the German military operations but also the economic system of Germany, and in the end to deliver the whole German people to reduction by famine by intercepting legitimate neutral commerce by methods contrary to international law.
The neutral powers have in the main acquiesced in the measures of the British Government; in particular they have not been success