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War Supplement to The History Teacher's Magazine, January, 1918

The Study of the Great War

A TOPICAL OUTLINE

with Copious Quotations
and Reading References

BY

PROFESSOR SAMUEL B. HARDING

PHILADELPHIA

McKINLEY PUBLISHING COMPANY

1918

Price 20 cents ; liberal reductions in quantities of 10, 25, 100, or 1000

AUG 1 1918

H 17 1'3.718.20

LIBRARY

CONTENTS

PAGE

Chapter 1. Fundamental Causes of the War

I. General Factors; II. Militarism and Armaments;. III. Failure of

the Hague Conferences; IV. Special Subjects of International Conflict;

V. Summary and Conclusion.

Chapter II. Historical Background of the War

I. Foundation and Character of the German Empire; II. The Triple

Alliance and the Triple Entente; III. Three Diplomatic Crises; IV. Bagdad

Railroad and Mittel-Europa; V. Tripolitan and Balkan Wars.

Chapter III. Indications that Germany and Austria Planned

an Aggressive Stroke

1. Austria Proposes an Attack on Serbia ; II. Secret Military Report on

German Army; III. Changed Attitude of the Kaiser; IV. German Public

Opinion; V. Extraordinary Military Measures of Germany; VI. Conclusion.

Chapter IV.

The Austro-Serbian Controversy

I. Prior Relations of Serbia, Austria and Russia; II. The Serajevo

Assassination; III. Austrian Note to Serbia; IV. Serbian Reply; V. Austria

Declares War on Serbia; VI. Conclusions.

Chapter V. Failure of Diplomacy to Avert War

1. Outline of Events, July 21 to August 5, 1914; II. Proposals for

Preserving Peace; III. German Ultimatums and Declarations of War against

Russia and France; IV. German Responsibility for the War.

Chapter VI. Violation of Belgium's Neutrality Brings in

Great Britain

I. Why Great Britain Was Expected to Stay Out; II. British Diplomacy

and the War; III. Neutrality of Luxemburg and of Belgium Violated;

IV. Great Britain Enters the War.

Chapter VII. The War Spreads — Character of the War

I. Other States Enter the War; II. World-wide Character of the War;

III. Innovations in Warfare; IV. Examples of German Ruthlessness and Vio-

lations of International Law; V. Summary and Explanation of German Policy.

Chapter VIII. The United States Enters the War

I. Struggle to Maintain Neutrality; II. From Neutrality to War;

III. Summary of Reasons for Entering the War.

Chapter IX. Course of the War

1. Campaign of 1914; II. Campaign of 1915; 111. Campaign of 1916;

IV. Campaign of 1917.

Chapter X. Proposals for Peace; Will This Be the Last War?

I. Summary of States at War in 1917; II. American Aims in the War;

III. Various Peace Proposals; IV. Will This Be the Last Great War ?

Reading References

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Topical Outline of the War

BY SAMUEL B. HARDING, PROFESSOR OF EUROPEAN HISTORY IN INDIANA UNIVERSITY.

PREPARED IN CO-OPERATION WITH THE NATIONAL BOARD FOR HISTORICAL SERVICE AND THE COMMITTEE

ON PUBLIC INFORMATION.*

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I. FUNDAMENTAL CAUSES OF THE WAR.

already, to give vent to our surplus energies without I. GENERAL FACTORS.

losing them and to make the motherland economi

cally independent." (Manifesto of the Colonial 1. The constitution of the German Empire permits its for

League.) eign policy to be determined by the Emperor alone, who

“We need a fleet strong enough not only to protect is at the same time, by “divine right,” King of Prus

the colonies we now have, but to bring about the acsia—the State which possesses an overwhelming terri

quisition of others.” (Manifesto of

the Navy torial, political, and military predominance in the

League.) Empire.

“A progressive nation like ours needs territory, “ The Emperor declares war with the consent of and if this cannot be obtained by peaceful means, it the Bundesrat, the assent of the Reichstag not being must be obtained by war. It is the object of the Derequired. Not even the Bundesrat need be consulted

fense Association (Wehrverein) to create this sentiif the war is defensive, and as the Hohenzollerns

ment." (Lieut.-General Wrochem in speech to the have always claimed to make defensive warfare it is Wehrverein in March, 1913.) not surprising that

unrepresentative

“ Without doubt this acquisition of new lands will Bundesrat was officially informed about the present

not take place without war. What world power was war three days after the Emperor declared it."

ever established without bloody struggles ?(Al(Charles D. Hazen, The Government of Germany;

brecht Wirth, Volkstum und Weltmacht in der Committee on Public Information publication.) (See

Geschichte, 1904. Quoted by Andler, Le PangermanWar Cyclopedia, under "Autocracy,” “Kaiserism,"

isme continentale, 1915, p. 308.) “ William 11.")

“ It is only by relying on our good German sword 2. Profit derived from war in the past by Prussia (Ger

that we can hope to conquer that place in the sun many).

which rightly belongs to us, and which no one will (a) Through increase of territory (cf. maps).

yield to us voluntarily. . . Till the world comes to (b) Through indemnities (e. g., from France, 1871).

an end, the ultimate decision must rest with the (c) Through increased prestige and influence. Hence

sword.” (German Crown Prince, in Introduction to justification of the "blood and iron ” policy of

Germany in Arms, 1913.)
Bismarck, and his predecessors. War as "the
national industry” of Prussia.

4. Biological argument for war.
“ The Great Elector laid the foundations of Prus-

(a) Darwin's theory of the “struggle for existence” sia's power by successful and deliberately incurred

as a chief factor in the evolution of species. Frederick the Great followed in the footsteps

(b) Development in Germany of the theory that of his glorious ancestor. . . . None of the wars which

States are of necessity engaged in such a “strug. he fought had been forced upon him; none of them

gle for existence." did he postpone as long as possible. . . . The lessons

(c) llence war is an “ordinance of God for the weed of history thus confirm the view that wars which

ing out of weak and incompetent individuals and have been deliberately provoked by far-seeing states

States.” Corollary: “ Might makes right.” men have had the happiest results." (Bernhardi, (d) Examples of such arguments from Treitschke, Germany and the Nert War, 1911.)

Bernhardi, etc. (See Conquest and Kultur, sec. 3. Germany's demand for a place in the sun."

1, 2, 4; War Cyclopedia, under“ Bernhardi,” (a) Meaning of the Kaiser's phrase (“ a place in the

Treitschke," “ War, German View;" Vernon sun") not clear. It covers vaguely colonies, com

Kellogg, “Headquarters' Nights," in Atlantic merce, and influence in international affairs in

Monthly for August, 1917.) proportion to Germany's population, industrial

War is a biological necessity of the first imimportance, and military power.

portance, a regulative element in the life of mankind (b) Obstacles. The German Empire was a late

which cannot be dispensed with, since without it an comer in the family of nations; the best regions unhealthy development will follow, which excludes for colonization and exploitation, especially in every advancement of the race, and therefore all real the temperate zones, were already occupied by

civilization. ... To supplant or be supplanted is other Powers.

the essence of life,' says Goethe, and the strong life (c) Examples of the demand. (See Conquest and gains the upper hand. The law of the stronger holds

Kultur, secs. 6, 10; War Cyclopedia, under good everywhere. Those forms survive which are “Place in the Sun,” “ Pan-Germanism,” etc.)

able to procure themselves the most favorable con“We need colonies, and more colonies, than we have ditions of life, and to assert themselves in the uni

versal economy

of Nature. The weaker This outline was prepared with the active aid of the Committee on Public Information (Department of Civic and Educational Co-opera

cumb. ... tion), 10 Jackson Place. Washington, D. C. Frequent reference is

Might gives the right to occupy or to conquer. made herein to the publications of this committee, which with a few

Might is at once the supreme right, and the dispute exceptions are distributed free upon application.

Copyright, 1917, McKinley Publishing Company.

wars.

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II. MILITARISM AND ARMAMENTS.

war.”

.

as to what is right is decided by the arbitrament of

(Bernhardi, Germany and the Next War, 1911, pp. 18, 23.)

They fight, not simply because they are forced to, but because, curiously enough, they believe much of their talk. That is one of the dangers of the Germans to which the world is exposed; they really believe much of what they say." (Vernon Kellogg, in

Atlantic Monthly, August, 1917.) 5. Idea of the German mission in the world, and the Ger

man demand for world influence and prestige (Pan-
Germanism).
(a) Ardent belief in the superiority of the German

race and German Kultur over all other races

and civilizations. (b) Hence the duty to promote the Germanization

of the world, and to oppose the absorption of

Germans by other nationalities. (c) Examples of these ideas in writings of Treit

schke, Rohrbach, Bernhardi, etc. (See Conquest and Kultur, secs. 1, 2; War Cyclopedia, under

* Bernhardi," Hegemony, German Ambition,” .“ Kultur," Pan - Germanism," • Treitschke,"

“ William II.” “I hope that it will be granted to our German Fatherland to become in the future as closely united, as powerful, and as authoritative as once the Roman Empire was, and that just as in old times they said Civis Romanus sum, one may in the future need only to say, 'I am a German citizen.'»

" God has called us to civilize the world; we are the missionaries of human progress.

The ocean is indispensable for Germany's greatness, but the ocean also reminds us that neither on it nor across it in the distance can any great decision be again consummated without Germany and the German Emperor.” (Speeches of Emperor William II.)

The German race is called to bind the earth under its control, to exploit the natural resources and physical powers of man, to use the passive races in subordinate capacity for the development of its Kultur.” (Ludwig Woltmann, Politische Anthropologie, 1913.)

“If people should ask us whether we intend to become a world power that overtops the world powers so greatly that Germany would be the only real World Power, the reply must be that the will to world power has no limit.” (Adolph Grabowsky, in Das neue Deutschland, Oct. 28, 1914.)

" By German culture the world shall be healed, and from their experience those who have only heard lies about German culture will perceive, will feel in their own bodies what German means and how a nation must be made up, if it wishes to rule the world." (Benedikt Haag, Deutschland und der Weltkrieg, 1914.)

“With the help of Turkey, India and China may be conquered. Having conquered these Germany should civilize and Germanize the world, and the German language would become the world language.(Theodor Springman, Deutschland und der Orient, 1915.)

“Our next war will be fought for the highest interests of our country and of mankind. This will invest it with importance in the world's history. * World power or downfall !' will be our rallying cry." (Bernhardi, Germany and the Next War, 1911,

1. Definition of militarism. It is a state of mind; not the

having of an army, no matter how large, but the exaltation of it to the chief place in tbe state, the subordination to it of the civil authorities. Joined to this is the reliance upon military force in every dispute. (See War Cyclopedia, under Militarism,” “ Prussian

ism," etc.) 2. Militarism and the military class dominant in Germany.

(a) Historical reasons for this: lack of defensible

frontiers; hostile neighbors, etc. Relation also

to topics under heading I. (b) The Zabern Incident (1913) as a practical ex

ample of military domination. (See War Cyclo

pedia, under “ Zabern,” “ Luxemburg, Rosa.” (c) Quotations showing German exaltation of war

and army, etc. (See Conquest and Kultur, secs.

4, 5.) “Because only in war all the virtues which militarism regards highly are given a chance to unfold, because only in war the truly heroic comes into play, for the realization of which on earth militarism is above all concerned; therefore it seems to us who are filled with the spirit of militarism that war is a holy thing, the holiest thing on earth; and this high estimate of war in its turn makes an essential ingredient of the military spirit. There is nothing that tradespeople complain of so much as that we regard it as holy.” (Werner Sombart, Vändler und Helden, 1915.)

War is the noblest and holiest expression of human activity. For us, too, the glad, great hour of battle will strike. Still and deep in the German heart must live the joy of battle and the longing for it. Let us ridicule to the utmost the old women in breeches who fear war and deplore it us cruel and revolting. No; war is beautiful. Its august sublimity elevates the human heart beyond the earthly and the common.” (Jung-Deutschland, official organ of Young Germany, October, 1913.)

War is for us only a means, the state of preparation for war is more than a means, it is an end. If we were not beset with the danger of war, it would be necessary to create it artificially, in order to strengthen our softened and weakened Germanism, to make bones and sinews.” (Ernst Hasse, Die Zukunft des deutschen Volkstums, 1908.)

“ It is the soldier and the army, not parliamentary majorities and votes, that have welded the German Empire together. My confidence rests with the army.(Emperor William II.)

Otfried Nippold, a University professor and jurist, was shocked to observe, on his return to Europe from a residence of several years in Japan, the extraordinary growth in Germany of militarism and the “ jingo” spirit. At the end of a book which he compiled, made up of statements by prominent Germans in 1912-13 advocating war and conquest, he said: “The evidence submitted in this book amounts to an irrefutable proof that a systematic stimulation of the war spirit is going on, based on the one hand on the wishes of the Pan-German League and on the other on the agitation of the Defense Association [Wehrverein). . . . War is represented not merely as a possibility that might arise, but as a necessity that must come about, and the sooner the better. In the opinion of these instigators, the German nation needs a war; a long-continued peace seems regrettable to

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p. 154.)

them just because it is a peace, no matter whether there is any reason for war or not, and therefore, in case of need, one must simply strive to bring it about. . . The desire of the political visionaries in the Pan-German camp for the conquest of colonies suits the purpose of our warlike generals very well; but to them this is not an end, but only a means. War as such is what really matters to them. For if their theory holds good, Germany, even if she conquered ever so many colonies, would again be in need of war after a few decades, since otherwise the German nation would again be in danger of moral degeneration. The truth is that, to them, war is a quite normal institution of international intercourse, and not in any way a means of settling great international conflicts—not a means to be resorted to only in case of great necessity.” (Der deutsche Chaurinismus, 1913, pp. 113-117; quoted in Conquest and

Kultur, 137-139.) 3. The competition in armaments. Europe an armed

camp” following 1871, with universal military service, and constantly increasing military forces and expenditures. The trained forces at the beginning of the war

estimated approximately as follows: Russia, 5,900,000; Germany, 4,000,000; Austria, 4,300,000; France, 3,800,000; Great Britain (including its “ Territorials”

or trained militia), 772,000. 4. Germany, already the first of military powers, planned a

Navy to rival that of England. Her first Naval Bill was introduced in 1898; Great Britain's reverses in the Boer War (1899-1902) greatly stimulated German naval activities.

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III. FAILURE OF THE HAGUE PEACE CONFERENCES OF 1899 AND 1907, AND OF THE NAVAL CONFERENCE OF

LONDON (1908-9). 1. History of the Hague conferences. Agency of Russia

and the United States in calling them. Their positive results in formulating international law and establishing a tribunal at the Hague. (See War Cyclopedia, under “Hague Conferences,” “Hague Conventions,"

“Hague Regulations,” “Hague Tribunal.” 2. Plans therein for disarmament and compulsory arbitra

tion defeated by Germany and Austria. 3. General policy of Germany with reference to arbitration.

Refusal to enter into an arbitration treaty with the
United States. (See Conquest and Kultur, secs. 4, 5;
War Cyclopedia, under “ Arbitration, German Atti-

tude,” “ Peace Treaties.") 4. British vs. German views of the “freedom of the seas,"

as revealed at the Hague Conferences and the Naval Conference of London. (See War Cyclopedia, under “Freedom of the Seas," “ Declaration of London," etc.)

“The German view of freedom of the seas in time of war was that a belligerent should have the right to make the seas dangerous to neutrals and enemies alike by the use of indiscriminating mines; and that neutral vessels should be liable to destruction or seizure without appeal to any judicial tribunal if in the opinion of the commander of a belligerent war. vessel any part of their cargo consisted of contraband. On the other hand, Germany was ever ready to place the belligerent vessels on the same footing as neutral vessels, and to forbid their seizure or destruction except when they were carrying contraband or endeavoring to force a blockade. In this way she hoped to deprive the stronger naval power of its principal weapon of offense—the attack upon enemy commerce--while preserving for the weaker power

every possible means of doing harm alike to enemy or neutral ships. At the same time she was anxious to secure to belligerent merchant-ships the right of transforming themselves into warships on the high seas.” (Ramsey Muir, Mare Liberum: The Freedom

of the Seas, pp. 8.13.) IV. SOME SPECIAL SUBJECTS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFLICT. 1. French desire to recover Alsace-Lorraine, taken by Ger

many in 1871. (See War Cyclopedia, under“ Alsace

Lorraine,” “ Franco-German Rivalry.”) 2. Desire of Italy to reclaim its“ unredeemed ” lands held

by Austria. (See Ibid., “ Italia Irredenta.") 3. Colonial and commercial rivalry among the Great Pow

ers over Central and Northern Africa (Morocco especially); Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, and Persia; China and the Far East; South America, etc. (See Ibid., un

der “Morocco Question," "Franco-German Rivalry.”) 4. Increased gravity of questions concerning the Balkan

Peninsula after the Turkish Revolution of 1908. Plans for Austrian and German domination in these regions (Drang nach Osten) conflicted with Russia's desire to secure Constantinople and an outlet to the Mediterranean, and threatened the security of Great Britain's communications with India. (See Ibid., “ Balkan Problem,"

," " Drang nach Osten,” etc.) 5. Grouping of the Great Powers into the Triple Alliance

(1882) and the Triple Entente. Germany's fear of being "hemmed in " (alleged policy of “ encirclement”). (See Ibid., “ Encirclement, Policy of,”

Triple Alliance,” “ Triple Entente.") 6. The Anglo-German Problem. (See Sarolea, The Anglo

German Problem, 1911; Conquest und Kultur,
16.) Due to-
(a) Menace to Great Britain's industrial and mari.

time supremacy through Germany's rapid indus

trial development since 1870. (b) Colonial and trade rivalry in Africa, Asia Minor,

Mesopotamia, etc. (c) Hostility to Great Britain taught by Treitschke

and others. Doctrine that England was decrepit -"a colossus with feet of clay”-and that her empire would fall at the first hostile touch. Toasts of German officers to “the Day"-when war with Great Britain should come. (See War

Cyclopedia, under “ Der Tag,” “ Treitschke," etc.) “If our Empire has the courage to follow an independent colonial policy with determination, a col. lision of our interests with those of England is inevitable. It was natural and logical that the new Great Power in Central Europe should be compelled to settle affairs with all Great Powers. We have set. tled our accounts with Austria-Hungary, with France, with Russia. The last settlement, the settlement with England, will probably be the lengthiest and the most difficult.” (Heinrich von Treitschke.) (d) Attitude of Great Britain on the whole one of

conciliation. (e) Failure of the two Powers to arrive at an agree.

ment as to naval armaments and mutual relations. Great Britain proposed (in 1912) to sign

the following declaration : “ The two Powers being naturally desirous of securing peace and friendship between them, England declares that she will neither make, nor join in, any unprovoked attack upon Germany. Aggressions upon Germany is not the subject, and forms no part, of any treaty, understanding, or combination to which

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