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duct, and concluding with a declaration, that he deserved the thanks of the country. The subject afforded matter of discussion in the house for a considerable period of the session; and on the final vote, the report of the committee was disagreed to, and the general's conduct approved by a majority of 100 to 70.

The approbation of the president and senate has since been manifested, in his appointment to the offices of governor of the Floridas, and minister of Mexico; of the legislature of Tennessee, in appointing him to the senate of the United States; and of his fellow-citizens, in the electoral votes of 1824, which placed him highest on the list of candidates for the chief magistracy of the nation.

CHAPTER VI.

View of the state of Europe-Comparison between the European and American principles of civil government-Progress of American principles in Europe-State of France after the battle of Waterloo-Disposition of Bonaparte, and his brothers-Meeting of a congress of European powers at Vienna, to adjust their claims to territory-Treaty of the holy allianceThe professions and views of the parties to it-The occasion of its being formed-The meeting of the allied sovereigns at Troppau, at LaybachTheir proceedings-Revolutions in Naples and Piedmont suppressed by Austrian forces-Meeting of the holy alliance at Verona-Their proceedings in relation to Spain, South America, and Greece-Conduct of England-Revolution in Spain suppressed by the French.

American principles compared with European. The family of civilized nations have so many interests in common, and the affairs of one are so often blended with those of another, that in order to a correct understanding of the history of any particular state, the most important cotemporaneous transactions of others must be kept in view.

The battle of Waterloo, the occupation of Paris by the allied powers, and their arrangements consequent thereon, put an end to a war of twenty-four years, the most extensive and sanguinary, as well as the most important in its consequences, that Europe ever witnessed. During this whole period, the correct principles of political economy, which had been established by the American revolution, and transplanted to Europe at the close of the war of independence, had been making a gradual advance in the minds of the people of that continent; and had taken such hold of their affections, as to render it impossible they should ever be eradicated. Scarcely had the European armies returned from the American contest, and been suffered to mingle with the people, than popular risings in favor of the principles of political liberty began to appear. These assumed a more or less formidable aspect, in proportion to the degree of information, and the means of resistance possessed by the people. They produced a uniform determination on the part of the ruling powers, to suppress them, not only each one in his own dominions, but by a combined and general

effort

The governing principles which sprang up in Europe in the dark ages, and prevailed under the denomination of the feudal system, were:

That the prince was the proprietor of all the territory of his kingdom: that the people held all their lands under him;

That they were his vassals, and owed him a perpetual and unalienable allegiance;

That the ultimate disposition of their persons and property was subject to his will;

That either with or without the authority of the pope, the monarch was the head of the church, and in that capacity had right to prescribe creeds and forms of worship for his subjects, and compel a conformity by such pains, penalties, and disabilities, as he should think proper;

That he possessed these high prerogatives, not by the consent of the people, but by a certain, hereditary, indefeasible, and divine right, subject to no control, and accountable to none for the manner in which he exercised his authority;

That every privilege and franchise enjoyed by the subject, was from the free grace and bounty of the sovereign.

As a necessary appendage of this system, the press, and all other sources of information, were subject to the control of the government, who were careful that no instruction in. consistent with these principles, should ever be communicated to the people.

The act which separated the American colonies from their parent state, placed an enlightened and intelligent community of three millions, in a situation to establish a government for themselves, no individuals, class, or description of men, having any exclusive rights, privileges, or claims of superiority over their fellows. A situation so novel, and so happily adapted to the liberation of the people from the manacles of European despotism, was wisely improved by the framers of the American systems of government. They laid aside at once every thing savoring of the monarchal notions of the eastern continent; and adopted the simple principle of perfect equality of rights among all the citizens. Their leading features were:

That all legitimate civil government emanated from the people, and was designed for their good.

That those selected to administer the government, had no powers but what were delegated to them by the people, under the constitution from which they derived their autho

rity, and were themselves amenable to the laws which they should enact.

That there should be no privileged orders, of any description.

That the enjoyment of religious opinions and worship should be perfectly free, and no citizen should be subject to any penalties or disabilities, on account thereof.

And, as a necessary appendage of this system, that the press, and all other sources of information, should be unrestricted.

The contest between these systems, the measures which the sovereigns of Europe have taken to establish their own, and extirpate the opposite, and the manner in which they have been resisted, form an interesting portion of American history.

Confinement of Bonaparte at St. Helena. On the return of Bonaparte from the battle of Waterloo, a short negotiation took place between him and the existing authorities of France, in which he attempted to confer the crown on his son; but which ended in an unconditional abdication of the throne. In that negotiation it was stipulated that he should be provided with two frigates, to convey himself, his adherents, and his effects, to the United States. The ships were provided, but the vigilance of the English cruisers prevented their putting to sea. Bonaparte, as a choice of evils, rather than fall into the hands of his enemies in France, voluntarily put himself on board the Bellerophon, a British seventy-four, under the command of Captain Maitland. This event presented a new and singular question for the consideration of the allied sovereigns. In what manner should the person of the ex-emperor be disposed of? For twelve years he had belonged to the family of kings, and been recognized by them, as one of their number. Peace being established with France, he could in no sense be considered a prisoner of war; the detention of his person, therefore, could not be justified upon any acknowledged principles of national law. He could not be landed on the British shores, or brought within the jurisdiction of their courts, without being liberated by a process which sets at liberty every person detained in custody, without legal authority. In this instance, the great law of self-preservation superseded all other considerations. To release him, would probably produce further convulsions in Europe. The commander of the ship to whom he surrendered, was ordered not to approach within three leagues of the shore, and the

British government, in concert with their allies, ultimately determined on the perpetual detention of his person. The island of St. Helena was selected as the place of his confinement. He was conducted to this spot, a rock of about thirty miles in circumference, in the Atlantic ocean, twelve hundred miles from any continent, in the southern tropics, by a squadron of British ships, and there confined, with half a dozen attendants, during the remainder of his life. Foreign ships were prohibited access to the island. French, Russian, Austrian, and Prussian commissioners constantly resided there, to witness his safe custody. Twenty-five hundred men, under the direction of Sir Hudson Lowe, civil and military governor of the island, and a squadron of British ships, under the command of Admiral Cochrane, were employed to guard his person. This extreme solicitude, on the part of the allied sovereigns, to confine the person of Bonaparte, bore the highest testimony in favor of his talents, and at the same time indicated, in uneqnivocal terms, the precarious tenure by which, in their own estimation, they held their authority.

Restoration of the Bourbons. The next consideration of the allies, was the organization of the French government, in such manner as most effectually to eradicate revolutionary principles. To this end, the Bourbon dynasty, with all its appendages, was to be restored. According to the European theory of the monarchal system, the stroke which terminated the life of Louis XVI., devolved the crown on his son, the dauphin, who, in the dungeons of the Congecerie, became king of France, under the title of Louis XVII. This unfortunate youth, in a short time followed his father to the tomb of the Capulets; and the regal sceptre, with all its hazards, came to the hands of the eldest brother of Louis XVI., then residing as a private gentleman at the village of Hartwell, in England, who became king of France, under the title of Louis XVIII. He continued his residence at Hartwell, enjoying the title, without any other appendages of royalty, until the expulsion of Bonaparte to the island of Elba, in 1814, when, by the aid of the allied powers, he took possession of the throne. Within a year, he yielded it to Bonaparte, without a struggle. The last reign of the emperor continued from April to June, 1815, when Louis was again called from his retreat, to the monarchy of

France.

Treaty of Paris. The numerous revolutions, which followed each other in quick succession, had shaken the belief

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