Meeting at Laybach. This meeting assembled in January, 1821, and composed one of the most august assemblies ever convened in Europe. The emperors of Russia, and Germany attended in person, the former assisted by eleven, and the latter by six of his ablest counsellors. England, France, and the two Sicilies sent three ministers each; Prussia and Sardinia two; and Tuscany, Modena, and the states of the church one each. The business of this congress, as it respected the rights of legitimacy, was of mighty import. In the year which had just closed, the contest between the right of self-government in the people on the one hand, and the monarchal claim of an hereditary right to govern on the other, had assumed an interesting character, and appeared to be coming to a crisis. Spain, Portugal, and the whole of Italy, except the states of the church, and the Austrian dominions, were in a progress of revolution, and with less internal commotion than usually attends such events, were rapidly advancing to a condition in which the people would enjoy a portion of civil liberty. It was obvious that this system, unchecked, would soon diffuse itself into other nations, and eventually put down the hereditary monarchal system. It was the business of the congress of Laybach to arrest the progress of this spirit. To aid them in this work, they had in the

1st place, a numerous and powerful hereditary nobility, whose title to honor and distinction rested on the same basis with their sovereign.

2d. A numerous host of office holders, dependent on the crown for employment and bread.

3d. Large standing armies, officered, paid, and fed by the prince, and ever obedient to his will.

4th. Extensive religious establishments, deriving their authority and support from the crown, employed to keep the people in ignorance of their rights, and to inculcate the doctrines of passive obedience to the will of the sovereign, and implicit faith in the dogmas of the church.

5th. A numerous class of public creditors, whose property in the funds depended upon the existence of the government, in its present form.

Opposition to revolutionary principles. The progress of political reformation had also to contend with the apprehensions of men of property, that a revolution would render their possessions insecure; and with the fears of all, that anarchy, misrule, or a more confirmed despotism, might be the ultimate result. Operated upon by these fears, a large

portion of the community were induced to prefer the deprivation of their liberties, to the hazards of a revolution. Indeed, were it not for these apprehensions, the present monarchs of Europe would probably be the last of their race. To contend with this host of enemies, the American theory of civil government, in its progress among other nations, had no aid, but what was derived from the force of truth and right reason, presented to the understandings of the people of Europe. There were also some radical defects in the forms of government which the revolutionary states were about to adopt, which must be amended, or their duration would be short. Their legislatures, under the denomination of juntas, cortes, and parliaments, were to consist of but one house, and that a numerous one. Such a body, passing laws by acclamation, as they generally did, on the suggestion of some leading, and often intriguing member, was very unfit to govern a nation, and would soon become an instrument in the hands of wicked men, of tyranny, in its worst forms. The example of the French nation, in the early periods of its revolution, evinced the utter incompetency of such bodies, to the purposes of correct legislation. Forty years' experience in the American republics, had proved that a legislature consisting of two branches, sitting in separate chambers, each having a check on the other, united in itself all the valuable properties of government.

Notwithstanding these examples, the inhabitants of the south of Europe were disposed to make the experiment of a legislature, consisting of the representatives of the people, convened in one chamber. The revolutionists in Naples had taken measures calculated to provide a remedy for this defect. In the early stages of their progress, they dispatched an intelligent man to the United States, to ob tain information in relation to their political institutions, the structure of their government, the principles upon which it was administered, and its practical effects. This gentleman, in the capacity of a private traveller, and mostly as a pedestrian, visited many of the principal towns, and most of the seats of legislation, in the United States, noting, with great attention, their political institutions. The information thus obtained, must have led to a new modeling their system; but before his return, the Austrian bayonets, under the direction of the holy alliance, had put an end to the revolution in Italy.

Resolutions of the congress at Laybach. At the congress of Laybach, the three monarchs, of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, published an exposé of their views in relation to the state of Europe. The principles advanced in this extraordinary paper, are calculated to excite the astonishment and alarm of the friends of liberty, and the rights of man, throughout the world. They say,

1st. That an hereditary monarchy is the only legitimate government.

2d. All reform, or melioration of the condition of the subject, must proceed from the free grace of the sovereign.

3d. Any attempts at reform, not proceeding from this source, are to be considered as treason and rebellion, and to be put down by the sword.

4th. It is the right and duty of the legitimate monarchs of Europe, to unite in support of each other, and in putting down the revolutionary spirit, in every nation.

These doctrines, boldly advanced under the signatures of the original parties to the holy alliance, develop the hidden meaning of that instrument, the views of its framers, and the manner in which they were to preserve the peace of Europe. The citizens of the United States were not without apprehensions, that this combination against the liberties of mankind, might extend its influence and exertions to America. So long as its operations were confined to the eastern continent, Americans had nothing to do, but to sympathize with its suffering inhabitants. Great Britain, though often solicited, stood aloof from this conspiracy; her ministers attended the congresses at Troppau and Laybach, not for the purpose of uniting with them, but of remonstrating against their proceedings. They declared a strict neutrality, in relation to the commotions in the south of Europe, and denied the right of any power to interfere in the internal affairs of other nations.

Naples. The attention of the congress at Laybach was particularly directed to the suppression of the revolutionary spirit in Naples. That kingdom, embracing all Italy, south of the Papal territory, and the island of Sicily, and containing a population of six millions, had adopted as their system of government, a limited monarchy, and a parliament, containing a representation of the people, after the model of the Spanish constitution, of 1812. King Charles, an infirm and feeble minded old man, of upwards of seventy, had sworn to support this constitution, and given up the active concerns of government to his son, the Duke of Calabria,.

who had also added the sanction of his oath to the constitution. The affairs of this kingdom seemed to be settling down into a happy state of quietude, under the form of a limited monarchy, satisfactory both to the prince and people, when the holy alliance took them into their keeping. The king was pressingly invited to attend the congress at Laybach, seconded by private letters from his sonin-law, the emperor of Germany, and from the king of France. Prevailed upon by these intreaties, and in the hope of preserving the peace of his kingdom, he consented. Before he left Naples, he assured the parliament that nothing should be agreed to on his part, to the detriment of the nation; nothing which should impair the fundamental principles of the constitution, which he had sworn to support. At his request, four commissioners were appointed by the parliament, to attend him as counsellors, and see that nothing was done to jeopardize their rights. On his arrival at Laybach, his counsellors were dismissed, and he compelled to disavow all the proceedings of the revolutionists. In the mean time, an Austrian army of sixty thousand men, supported by a Russian reserve of a hundred thousand, crossed the Po, on their advance upon Naples. The king was compelled to write to the Duke of Calabria, and the parliament, directing them to accede to the views of the allied monarchs, and receive the Austrian troops as friends.

These propositions were indignantly rejected by the parliament; the king declared to be in a state of captivity, and measures taken for a vigorous defense. A large Neapolitan army was raised, and placed under the command of General Pepe; but this force, without discipline or courage, and destitute of efficient officers, disbanded at the approach of the Austrians, who took possession of the capital with little resistance, and put an end to the revolution. Opposition to the claims of despotism in the dominions of the king of Sardinia, and in other parts of Italy, yielded to the same impulse. The Italians, long oppressed by despotic rulers, kept in ignorance by a bigoted clergy, and enervated by a warm climate, were ill prepared to encounter the storms of revolution, or meet in the field the veteran troops of the north. The authors of the revolution in the Italian states sought personal safety by flight or submission, and the ancient despotism was restored in all its rigor. Alexander in the north, in the vigor of life, the only monarch in Europe of any distinguished talents, the complete despot of fifty

millions of warlike subjects, and at the head of this holy alliance, became as formidable to the liberties of mankind, as ever his great competitor Bonaparte had been in the south; and it had become evident, that Europe gained nothing by the victory of Waterloo, but a change of mas

ters.

The congress at Laybach contented themselves with denouncing the revolution in Spain and Portugal, without taking any decis ve measures for its suppression, but gave notice of a meeting the next year, when the affairs of the peninsula would be the subject of their particular consideration. It seemed to be their policy to attack the revolutionary spirit in its weakest points, expecting that when Spain saw its extinction in Italy, she would yield to the impulse, and not contend with the arms of the holy alliance when directed solely against her.

Revolution in Spain. The next meeting of the European powers constituting the holy alliance, agreeable to an intimation given at Laybach, commenced in September, 1822, at Verona, a city in the dominions of the emperor of Austria, in the north of Italy, sixty miles west of Venice. The monarchs assembled, either in person, or by their ministers, were the emperors of Russia and Austria, and the kings of France, England, and Prussia. The political state of Spain was the principal subject of consideration at this congress. For the last thirty years this nation had borne her full share of suffering. Her calamities had been increased by the weakness of her king. Charles IV., indolent, without talent, and devoted to pleasure, had abandoned the government to his son Ferdinand VII., a bigoted despot, subject to the control of a fanatic and wicked priesthood. Before his character had fully developed itself, Bonaparte decoyed both the father and son into France, under pretence of a' friendly interview; made them prisoners, and placed Joseph on the throne. In the mean time, the spirit of liberty had taken deep root: the cortes, an assembly of the representatives of the people, collected, and with the aid of England, resisted the usurpation of the Bonapartes. A long and desolating war between Joseph and his adherents, assisted by Napoleon; and the cortes, aided by England, ensued, which terminated in the expulsion of the French usurper, and the restoration of Ferdinand, under an assurance that he would govern the kingdom on the principles of a free constitution, formed by the representatives of the people. But no sooner had he got possession of the throne,