ter office, to which, except in case of the death of the president, few duties were assigned, was to present as a successor, some prominent character whom one set of electors had judged competent to execute the office. Fortunately for the happiness and repose of the nation, at the commencement of the government, there was one candidate, and only one, who united all hearts in his favor. By the unanimous voice of his fellow-citizens, he sustained the office for two successive terms, without any thing deserving the name of opposition. At the third election, the distin guished statesman whom two previous sets of electors had declared to be competent to the office, succeeded by a full vote. The election of 1801 presented a novel and curious scene. A party had risen up, and had become a majority of the nation, with a very high, honorable, and popular leader at their head, opposed to the administration of the elder Adams. To insure success, they were obliged to associate with their favorite character a man of great talents, but one in whose integrity few had confidence, and whom none wished to be president. Expecting a close vote, union became necessary, and the electors not being allowed to designate either for the office, Jefferson and Burr had a majojority, and an equal number of votes. This brought them both before the house of representatives, with equal claims to the presidency. A scene of contention, remembered only to be regretted, an lasting several days, ensued, which, after thirty-six ballotings, resulted in the choice of the people's favorite.

Amendment. The hazards to which Mr. Jefferson's election was exposed, in consequence of the equi-vote of Burr, led to an amendment of the constitution, designed to prevent the recurrence of a similar event. One of the first acts of the new administration was an alteration of that instrument, providing that the electors should designate each person to his respective office, and in case no one had a majority, the house of representatives, voting by states, were to chose one from the highest three to be president. This amendment, made at a period of high party excitement, has been found to be attended with inconveniences at least as great as those it was designed to prevent. It has diminished the respectability of the vice presidency, reducing it to a mere make-weight in the presidential canBut its most objectionable feature is, that it greatly multiplies the chances of bringing the election into the house of representatives, an event which all experience

vass.

proves ought, if possible, to be avoided. Such an occurrence gives the state of Missouri, with her single representative, an equal voice in the decision of an interesting question with the state of New York, with her million and a quarter of inhabitants, and thirty-four representatives. In every contested election, it has been found that the relation between the successful candidate and the active instruments of his elevation, is of that intimate and indissoluble nature, as invariably to lead to an expectation of reward on the one hand, and its bestowment on the other; and this must be expected to continue as long as human nature retains those imperfections which render government of any sort necessary. Hereby the republic receives detriment. Persons find their way into important public stations, which, but for their exertions in the cause of a successful chief, they would never have attained. In the congress of 1823-4, two efforts were made to remedy the evils expected to result from this source. One, by a resolution introduced by Mr. Mills into the senate, for an amendment of the constitution, the object of which was to restore the original process of electing a president: the other, a resolution introduced into the house of representatives by Mr. M'Duffie, from a committee appointed on the subject, providing that electors should be uniformly chosen by the people in districts; and that if, on counting the votes, it should be found that no one had a majority, the names of the highest two should be returned to the electors, for one of which they were again to vote, and the person having the greatest number to be president; and only in case where, on such second ballot, there was an equi-vote, should the election devolve on the house of representatives. These resolutions, and sundry others, having the same object in view, underwent various and animated discussions, and were finally negatived.

Although there was no limitation contained in the constitution, on the subject of a re-election, it had in practice become a settled principle, that no person should hold the office for more than two terms. But for this practice, the popularity of Mr. Monroe's administration, the general prosperity of the country, and the difficulty of concentrating public opinion on a successor, would probably have insured him a third term.

Candidates for 1825. Many statesmen of the first order were on the stage at this period, but no one so elevated above his fellows, as to attract the general attention. After considerable vibration of public sentiment, five candidates

were presented for consideration: Adams in the east ; Crawford and Calhoun in the south; Jackson and Clay in the west. Each had held distinguished stations in the government, and discharged their duties in harmony with each other, and with general approbation. Either of them were probably competent to execute the high office to which they aspired. The old division of parties, which, during its existence, presented but one candidate of each, had long since ceased; and public attention was now directed to five, all of the same party, and all agreeing upon the general principles on which the government should be administered. The old puritanic republican maxim, that public officers are the servants of the people, and are to discharge their duties solely with a view to their good, has long since been exploded, and, in practice, given place to the modern principle, that office is to be bestowed as a reward for previous service, and to be made subservient to the benefit of the successful candidate and his friends. Hence, in the present contest sprang up a furious zeal, among the advocates of the aspirants, without even the pretense of any great public object, in support of their claims.

Adams. The office of secretary of state, having under its direction the department of foreign affairs, necessarily leads the incumbent to an intimate acquaintance with the general system of European and American policy. It is on many accounts the best school for the presidency. The first talents within the power of the president to command, consistent with the principles of fidelity to the party who elected him, have been selected for the office. In every instance, with the exception of the first two presidents, a former secretary of state has been elected. Mr. Adams had sustained this office, and discharged its duties, with great reputation, during the presidency of Mr. Monroe; his talents were unquestionably of the first order. He had long resided at foreign courts, and was intimately acquainted with their policy. His friends, and all who held or expected office under him, brought forward his claims with great zeal and confidence.

Jackson. The state of Tennessee, as early as the year 1822, by a legislative resolution, presented their favorite general. They urged in his favor the important military services he had performed, and the honor which thereby redounded to the country. The southwestern states, who had been particularly benefited by his achievements, it was expected, would unite in his support. The influence of the

army, with whom he was a favorite, was calculated upon with certainty. He was considered as the second choice of the west, and should any event put Mr. Clay's pretensions aside, his success was viewed as almost certain.

Clay. The rapidly increasing population, wealth, and importance of the western states, and the fact that Virginia and Massachusetts had hitherto always had the honor of furnishing a president, gave to the people of the west high claims to the office. In the person of Mr. Clay, they presented a candidate above all exception, and one whose talents and qualifications had commanded universal respect. Their local interests, they apprehended, would be greatly advanced, by having a president from among themselves. The great object of internal improvements, of which Mr. Clay was a decided advocate, was of peculiar importance to the west, to facilitate their communications with the gulf of Mexico, and the Atlantic states.

Crawford. Mr. Crawford, of Georgia, had been a distinguished member of the cabinet for the last ten years. At the election of Mr. Monroe, in 1817, he stood next to him in the public estimation, and, in a congressional caucus, obtained almost an equal number of votes; and an understanding existed between the friends of each, that the unsuccessful candidate should be the successor. He had represented the American government at the court of France, and supported its rights with dignity, had superintended the affairs of the treasury at a critical period with great ability, and repelled the attacks of his enemies, and thrown them back with a destructive energy. The south, an old and distinguished section of the union, had high claims to the office, and presented in him a highly qualified candidate.

Calhoun. Mr. Calhoun, of South Carolina, a much younger man than either of his competitors, had been early elected a member of congress, from the district of Charleston. He soon became a distinguished member of that body, and on the accession of Mr. Monroe, was placed at the head of the war department. This station he also filled with high reputation. He came forward at first, with considerable expectation. But on canvassing his claims, and comparing them with the other candidates, it became evident that he could not be chosen the impolicy of dividing the southern interest, became evident; and Mr. Calhoun's friends consented that his pretensions should be razeed down, as was quaintly expressed, to the vice presidency. They generally fell into the ranks of General Jackson. In

this manner the campaign opened. Four candidates of high standing, of the same political cast, with nearly equal pretensions, and each with a numerous train of followers, entered the lists. That portion of the American people who had no local or personal prejudices or partialities, and no expectation of particular favors, in the outset felt but little interest in the event.

In their opinion, government has been so long in operation, and the principles upon which it must be conducted so well settled, that it might now be kept on its course, without the aid of those transcendant talents, which were requisite at its commencement. Either of the canditates, as well as hundreds of other citizens, were competent to manage the helm of the political ship in a perfect calm. There are two reasons, however, which lead the American people anxiously to wish that the supreme executive and the cabinet might be composed of the first order of talents: one, that in their intercourse with foreign nations, diplomatic ingenuity might be met with at least equal ability, and that their state papers might bear a comparison with those of any other nation; the other, that it might appear that the American mode of designating the chief magistrate is better calculated to call into operation the talents of the nation, than the European. In the latter, distinguished abilities are not looked for, and are seldom found in the chief. But the hereditary monarch has the whole nation from which to select his cabinet; is not looking forward to the fearful period when his powers must cease, or be renewed by a popular election, and has no inducement to form his council or shape his measures with reference to such a period. Under such favorable circumstances, he usually has wisdom enough to make a judicious choice, and inclination to yield the management of public affairs to their guidance. Hence the cabinet, the judiciary, and most of the important stations in the British government, have for centuries, for the most part, been filled with able officers, while but a small portion of talent has been found in their chiefs. In practice it has been demonstrated, that in republics, the supreme executive, obtaining his office by a contested election, has only the instruments of his elevation from which to make a choice. This usually excludes one half of the national talent. The cabinet and all its measures must be shaped to the period of a re-election. With all these disadvantages, incident to every republic, the American people look back with pleasure and a beco