circle of political economy, so richly repay the expense bestowed upon them; there is none, the utility of which is more universally ascertained and acknowledged; none that do more honor to the government, where wise and enlarged patriotism duly appreciates them. Nor is there any country which presents a field, where nature invites the art of man to complete her work for his accommodation and benefit. These considerations are strengthened by the political effect of these facilities for intercommunication in bringing and binding more closely together the various parts of our extended confederacy. While the states, individually, with a laudable enterprise and emulation, avail themselves of their local advantages by new roads, by navigable canals, and by improving the streams susceptible of navigation, the general government is the more urged to similar undertakings, requiring a national jurisdiction by the prospect of thus systematically completing so estimable a work. And it is a happy reflection that any defect of constitutional authority which may be encountered, may be supplied in a mode which the constitution itself has providently pointed out."

Arrangement of the finances. There have been few meetings of congress since the organization of the government, at which a greater variety of interesting subjects pressed themselves upon the consideration of the national representatives. Among the first, was the arrangement of the system of finance to a state of peace. The leading principle has ever been to raise the ordinary revenue from impost and tonnage duties, and sale of the vacant lands; and to resort to internal duties and direct taxes only upon extraordinary occasions, and for limited periods. The difficulties experienced at the commencement of the late war in arranging and bringing into speedy operation a system of internal revenue, and the consequent embarrassments of the treasury, induced the secretary to recommend a continuance of the least exceptionable part of that system. His views were supported by many enlightened financiers in both houses; but a majority decided in favor of the total abolition of the system of internal taxation, with the least possible delay.

Tariff. The adjustment of the tariff produced many and long debates, principally of a sectional character. The double duties imposed during the war, were to be taken off, and a system adopted adequate to raise a competent revenue; and at the same time, give proper encouragement to domestic industry. Almost every item of impost had its ad

vocates and opposers, as it affected the interests of different portions of the union. The sections, into which the country divided itself on these questions, were the east, the south, and the west.

Views of the south. The large planters of the south formed the predominant interest in that section; they, having valuable staples for exportation which commanded a ready market, and no important home manufactures, were uniformly opposed to high duties, laid with a view to the protection of American manufactures. The principles they advocated, were, that imposts should be laid solely with a view to revenue; that industry, enterprise, and capital, should be left to seek employment in those channels which afforded the fairest prospect of reward; that prohibitory and protecting duties operated in an unjust and oppressive manner in favor of the manufacturer, against the consumer, and were contrary to the spirit of the constitution. That the American manufactures were yet in an infant state, and incapable of supplying the wants of the people; that destroying the competition between foreign and domestic productions, subjected the consumer to purchase goods of an inferior quality, and at extravagant prices. The governments of Europe, having a dense population, and numerous subjects who find it difficult to procure subsistence and employment, might well adopt the policy, as they uniformly had done, of excluding from their markets, every foreign article which could be raised or manufactured at home. This policy carried to its utmost extent in Great Britain, it was admitted, had made on a small island, a great, rich, and powerful nation. The situation of the United States, the representatives from the south contended, indicated a different policy: possessed of a rich unappropriated territory of almost unlimited extent, the first object of government should be to people that region; and instead of confining their citizens to the workshops and manufactories of the east, they should encourage their emigration and settlement on the vacant territory of the west; or, at least, that they should leave them to employ their industry and capital on either object, uninfluenced by the financial operations of government. The eastern section was divided into agricultural, commercial, and manufacturing classes; the commercial portion of this section, apprehending their interests on this question to be the same with the planters of the south, united with them in opposing, though for different reasons, heavy prohibitory or protecting duties.

Claims of the manufacturers. The manufacturing interest represented in strong terms, that they had invested milions of capital in their establishments; that they employed thousands of laborers, principally women and children, who otherwise would be out of employment; that they were able to make strong and substantial fabrics of cotton and woolen more durable, and in the end cheaper to the consumer, than foreign goods of the same class; that the country is inundated with importations of cottons and woolens of an inferior quality, calculated by the mode in which they were finished to impose on the consumer, and ruin the American establishments; that however plausible in theory the doctrine of a universsl freedom of commerce might be, the experience of centuries had demonstrated the wisdom and policy of each nation's encouraging its own industry by imposts and prohibitions on foreign productions; that while this policy was universally pursued by other nations, it would be the height of folly in the United States, to adopt a different system upon any visionary notions of universal freedom of commerce; that any nation, to be rich and independent, must encourage the productive labor of its citizens, and prevent the exportation of its specie to purchase the productions of other countries; that if the infant manufacturing establishments in the United States were left to struggle with foreign competition, without adequate encouragement, they must sink, their capital be lost, and thousands of citizens now usefully employed, be thrown into a state of idleness and want; that with due encouragement, a domestic competition would be created, which would insure to the consumer, goods of a substantial fabric, and at reasonable prices.

Views of the agriculturalists. The views of the manufacturers were zealously seconded by the agriculturalists of the north, who found in the increasing manufacturing establishments, a valuable market for the productions of their soil. The west, remote from foreign market, must evidently depend upon domestic manufactures for their principal supplies. Provisions, their chief production, would not bear the expense of transportation; it was therefore an object of the first consequence with them, to establish a domestic market, and supply themselves with their clothing from their Their interests in congress found a powerful advocate in Mr. Clay. Their influence was uniformly exerted in support of manufactures. Mr. Jefferson, whose opinions on subjects of political economy were deemed ora

own resources.

cular, and who had once said, let the work-shops of America be in Europe, and described great manufacturing cities as so many sinks of corruption, communicated an opinion to the public, that the varied circumstances of the country now required a different policy, and that manufactures ought to be encouraged.

Protecting principle adopted. The united efforts of these interests in favor of manufactures, though checked and in some measure counteracted by opposing considerations, ultimately led to the adoption of the principle that protecting duties should be laid on such articles, the manufacture of which, in the United States, had been brought to such perfection as to supply the demand; and where it had not, but was progressing under favorable prospects, such duties should be laid as would afford encouragement, without subjecting the consumer to an unreasonable tax. The cotton manufactures were the most prominent objects; more capital was invested in them than in any other. They were laboring under great embarrassments, owing to the large importations of India goods of the same description, but of an inferior quality. By a judicious and gradual in-crease of duties upon these goods, until they amounted to a prohibition, a vast capital invested in these manufactures was preserved; a great domestic market opened for the staple of the south, and a competition excited, which insured to the consumer a strong and substantial fabric, at a much cheaper rate than the foreign manufacture. The benefits which have actually resulted to the consumer, as well as to the manufacturer, from the operation of this principle in relation to cottons, show that it may safely be adopted as to others.

Nails are another article, where a duty of five cents per pound, amounting to a prohibition, produced a domestic manufacture to such an extent as to supply the market at a much cheaper rate than before its imposition. The same principle has been found in a great degree applicable to the articles of hats, cabinet-ware, paper, window-glass and leather, on which a duty of thirty per cent. has been laid without injury to the consumer. In short, experience, the only sure test of any measure of economy, has fully demonstrated, that wherever the imposition of a protecting duty has rendered the domestic manufacture profitable, the skill, enterprise, and capital of the American citizen, will be directed to the object until the market is fully supplied.

Woolen manufacture. Next in importance to cotton, is the woolen manufacture. This has not as yet experienced an equal degree of protection, owing to the belief that there was neither raw material nor capital employed sufficient to supply the demand. English goods of this class, of an inferior quality and at very cheap rates, continue to be introduced in great profusion, operating to the depression of the woolen establishments, and must finally end in their ruin, unless the same protecting principle which has preserved the cotton is extended to them.

Claims resulting from the war. Another subject which occupied a large portion of the attention of congress, was the adjustment of the various claims made upon the justice and generosity of the government in consequence of the These presented themselves in a great variety of shapes; few had suffered in their persons or property, but what thought they had a claim to remuneration from the government.

war.

Canadian volunteers. In the early part of the contest, a considerable number of inhabitants of Upper Canada, principally emigrants from the United States, induced by the proclamation of General Hull, and the subsequent invasions of that country, joined the American standard, in consequence of which they were declared outlaws and traitors by the British government, and their property confiscated. They presented a memorial to congress describing their merits and sufferings; and requesting a grant of land in the Indiana territory for their services. Their claim was resisted on the grouud of its immorality, as the allowance of it would have a tendency to encourage treason. After considerable debate their memorial was granted, and a large tract of land given them in that territory.

Claims for vessels captured and destroyed. Another class of applicants were the officers and crews of the public armed ships of the United States, who claimed compensation for enemy's vessels taken and destroyed by them during the war. A general provision was by law made for allowing them half the avails of prizes brought in; but where the captured ship could not be brought into port, their compensation was left to the discretion of congress in each case. On these questions, the importance of building up the American navy, its great merits, and the policy of rewarding the valor of its officers and men, were pressed into service with great effect, and produced liberal grants. Commodore Patterson and Colonel Ross were liberally rewarded