and probably none exist, of a specific bargain between the candidate and the instruments of his elevation, that office should be the reward of their exertions, but the whole course of removals and appointments lead to the conclusion that such was the expectation.

The doctrine that the prerogative of appointment and removal was to be made the instrument of rewards and punishments, so novel in the American system, and so destructive of all that is valuable in it, was adopted with great caution, and with attempts to justify it in the government papers. It was introduced to the people under the fascinating terms of economy and reform. The example of Jefferson at the commencement of his administration, was referred to in its support. In his inaugural, the president informs the people, "that he shall look to the examples of his illustrious predecessors, and with veneration to the lights that flow from the mind that founded, and the mind that reformed our system," referring to Washington and Jefferson. The example of the former was unfortunate for the purpose for which it was adduced. Washington had no feelings in common with those who adopted this system of proscription. He selected his cabinet and the principal officers of government indiscriminately from the two great parties into which the United States were then divided, and took the earliest opportunity to inform applicants for office, that personal considerations would have no influence in selecting public servants.* At the accession of Mr. Jefferson, power had almost exclusively been in the hands of the party called federalists twelve years, their opponents denominated republicans, always nearly equal in numbers, had then become the majority. Mr. Jefferson announced a determination to restore an equilibrium in the distribution of office, among the two great political parties so soon as it could be done consistently with the public interest. The present was an entirely different case. Adams and Jackson were of the same party. Both had supported the administrations of Mr. Adams' predecessors, and sustained distinguished offices under them. Neither they nor their friends were divided on any important political topics. The question was a mere personal one, to wit, which of the two candidates was the most competent to discharge the duties of chief magistrate of the union? A question on which men might honestly

* Marshall's life of Washington.

entertain different opinions, and on which it was desirable that public officers as well as all other citizens might freely act, without fear of disfranchisement, or expulsion from office.

Some instances of fraud and peculation which had escaped the vigilance of Mr. Adams' administration being found, were brought forward and placed in a prominent view. These were made use of, not only to justify removals in those cases, but in others, where there was no such imputation. From these instances, an attempt was made to impress a belief on the public that there was much corruption, and a general remissness in the management of the concerns of the nation.

Virginia convention. The constitution of Virginia, the oldest of the union, was formed in 1776, a short time before the declaration of independence. Made to suit the wants of a small population on the east of the Allegany, many of its provisions were ill adapted to the exigencies of the state in 1829, extending from the Atlantic to the Ohio. One of its most exceptionable articles confined the right of suffrage to land-holders. At the session of the legislature in 1828, a resolution passed making provision for taking the suffrages of the people, on the question of calling a convention to revise the constitution. On collecting the votes, there appeared a small majority in favor of the measure, and at the next session, provision was made for holding the convention on the first Monday in October, 1829.

The blue ridge, a branch of the Allegany mountain, divides the state into eastern and western sections, having different views and interests, each were anxious to be represented by their ablest men in the convention. The people seem to have laid aside all prejudice and party feeling, except what arose from this sectional division, and united in selecting their most talented citizens. Ex-presidents Madison and Monroe, Chief Justice Marshall, Governor Giles, two of their former governors, and most of their distinguished members of congress were elected. The convention exhibited an assemblage of character and talent rarely to be found.

The great point on which the convention were nearly equally divided, and which occasioned a protracted discussion, was the basis of apportioning the legislature. The eastern section claimed that the ratio should be fixed on the white population, and taxation combined; the western that it should be apportioned on the white population alone. The former principle would give the slaves a great effect in

fixing the number of representatives, and preserve the ascendency in the east. The latter was calculated to give a preponderating influence to the west. In that event the east were apprehensive, that the west having the power in their own hands, would unreasonably tax the slave holding part of the state, and engage in extensive systems of internal improvement, exclusively for their benefit. An arduous discussion of nearly three months terminated in a compromise by which a given number of members were apportioned to each section, without conforming precisely to either principle. The whole number of representatives was fixed at 134, of which 78 were east, and 56 west of the blue ridge. The senate was to consist of 32 members, 19 in the eastern, and 13 in the western section, with power in the legislature to reapportion them at the end of every ten years.

Another point which occasioned much discussion was, the extension and limitation of the right of suffrage. It was finally made to embrace all heads of families paying taxes to the state, and all persons possessing a small freehold. These subjects being disposed of, little difficulty was found in arranging the others. The governor, judges of the higher courts, and other principal officers were to be chosen by joint ballot, of both houses of assembly. The tenure of the governor's office was three years, and not eligible for the succeeding term, that of the judges during good behaviour, subject to removal on application of two thirds of both branches of the legislature. All laws were to originate in the house of representatives. The votes on the final question on the adoption of the constitution were, ayes 55, noes 40. It was then submitted to the people, and accepted by a considerable majority.

Meeting of the 21st Congress. The president's message at the opening of the first session of the twenty-first congress, December 7th, 1829, was an able state paper of great length, delineating the general policy of the administration, and containing a correct and pleasing view of the domestic and foreign concerns of the nation. It was sought with great avidity, and conveyed from Washington to the remotest parts of the union, with the unusual speed of from ten to twenty miles an hour. It reached Boston, 436 miles from the place of delivery, in 31 hours.

Measures recommended. The prominent measures recommended, were,

An amendment of the constitution, on the subject of choosing a president, in such a manner that it may be done

by the people without the intervention of electors; and that he should be ineligible for a second term :

As

A review and alteration of the judiciary law, in such manner as to extend the circuit court to all the states. this would increase the number of judges of the supreme court to an extent beyond what is proper, the novel and extraordinary expedient is proposed of dividing the court into two equal sections, each to hold alternately a session of the supreme court at the seat of government, the chief justice always presiding:

On the subject of the navy, a discontinuance of building ships of the larger classes, and instead thereof an accumulation of materials, prepared in such manner that they might readily be put together in case of war :

A gradual reduction of duties on such articles as are of general consmption, and not the production of the country. Retrenchment. On the subject of retrenchment, a general and minute inquiry into the condition of the government, with a view to ascertain what offices can be dispensed with, and what expenses retrenched. Without designating any particular subjects of retrenchment, and leaving to congress to discover, if in their power, what useless officers the executive had kept in its employment, the president recommends a new organization of the department of state in a manner which will necessarily increase its expenditure; and the establishment of a new department to be denominated a law department, on the same footing in relation to salary, clerks, and appendages, as the others, increasing the expenses of the cabinet alone to the extent at least of twenty thousand dollars.

Tariff. In relation to the tariff, the message recognizes the power of congress to lay protecting duties, and states, "that its operation thus far has not been so injurious to commerce and agriculture, or beneficial to manufactures, as was anticipated. That importations of foreign goods had not been sensibly diminished; and that a domestic competition had produced a supply beyond the demand for home consumption, and a consequent diminution of price.

Internal Improvements. On the subject of internal improvements, the message is inexplicit. It speaks well of the subject in general terms; but seems to think that insurmountable difficulties exist in making appropriations to particular objects, not however expressly denying the power of government to do it. It then proposes to distribute the surplus revenue, after the extinguishment of the public debt,

to the states, according to the ratio of representation; doubting however whether this power is strictly within the letter of the constitution, he recommends having recourse to another amendment conferring the power. Speaking of that instrument, he says, "the scheme has worked well," urges the necessity of keeping within its limits, and warns congress against all encroachments upon the legitimate sphere of state sovereignty.

Indians. In relation to the Indians, the message, after professing great regard for their destinies, denies the power of the general government to protect them from the oppression of state sovereignties, condemns the policy which has been heretofore adopted towards them, abandons them to the mercies of the state legislatures, within whose chartered limits their lands are situated, and recommends a provision for their retreat to the west.

Removals. The message recognizes the principle of removals which had been adopted by the executive, and attempts to justify it in the following terms :-" Men cannot for any great length of time enjoy office and power without being under the influence of feelings unfavorable to a faithful discharge of their public duties. Corruption in some, and a perversion of correct feelings and principles in others, divert government from its legitimate ends and make it an engine for the support of the few at the expense of the many. Its offices are created solely for the benefit of the people. No one man has any more intrinsic right to official station than another. No individual wrong is done by removal, since neither appointment or continuance in office is matter of right."

In the opinion of the president, more is lost by the long continuance of men in office, than is gained by their experience.

Bank. On the subject of the bank, the charter of which will expire in 1836, the president remarks, "that the question of its renewal ought to be seasonably disposed of; that its constitutionality and expediency are well questioned by a large portion of the community; and that it is admitted by all to have failed in the great end of establishing a uniform and sound currency." He recommends as a substitute, a national bank, founded upon the credit and revenues of the government, and subject to its entire control; seeing no constitutional difficulties in the way of diverting the national revenue from its appropriate objects, to banking ope rations,