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sidered by the opponents of the system, and hailed as one of the most important measures of the administration, and as they term it, capping the climax of the whole.

Its effects on the west. No measure more hostile to the interests of the west could be devised. One of the principal difficulties incident to a new country, is the want of convenient channels of communication. These, on an extensive scale, require the aid of the general government. Indivi. dual enterprise or state funds cannot be expected to accomplish them. It is the only mode in which the west can be benefited by the expenditure of the public moneys. Hitherto the great mass of the public treasure has been expended in the Atlantic states, and for objects more immediately beneficial to them. On the plan of internal improvements, the west were beginning to be benefited, and probably in the end would receive their full share. The principles advanced in the Maysville document, carried to their extent, are calculated to retard improvements in the west, half a century.

The notion that the moneys of the United States, destined to objects of internal improvements, are to be distributed to the several states in the ratio of representation, to be expended under the authority of their legislatures, and within their respective limits, is so inconsistent with any rational scheme, that it has been considered rather as a finesse to get rid of the whole subject. Two considerations are sufficient to show the futility of the project. A channel of communication, whether by land or water, to be of any public convenience must be continuous, and in most cases pass through more than one state. It is not to be expected that several states, having different views and interests, will unite in the same operation. The other is, that the states need. ing the most, will probably draw the least money. Indiana and Illinois, for instance, requiring heavy expenditures to connect the navigation of the lakes with the Mississippi, will draw but a small portion of the funds.

The veto, in unision with the opening message, recommends an appeal to to the people for an amendment of the constitution, authorizing internal improvements, and defining and restricting the manner in which the power should be exercised. The slightest observation of the difficulties attending propositions to amend the constitution in times past, is sufficient to show that to be a hopeless project, and the subject may as well be entirely abandoned, as placed upon the event of such a contingency. Two important bills, one making an appropriation for light-houses, and the im

provement of harbors and river navigation, the other authorizing a subscription in aid of the canal around the falls of the Ohio, were retained by the president until after the ad. journment of congress, and thereby prevented from becoming laws; and another sent back approved by the president, accompanied with a message explanatory of its meaning.

After an interesting session of six months, congress rose on the 31st of May. Few acts of public importance were passed. The most material were, the act relating to the Indians ; Mr. Mallary's bill for the more effectual collection of the revenues ; several acts reducing the duties on tea, coffee, cocoa, salt, and molasses. The session was interesting, not for the number or importance of the laws enacted, but for the discussions which took place, and the principles of the administration which were developed.

Duel. A duel having taken place in the course of the winter, between Hunter, a midshipman, and Mr. Miller, a citizen of Philadelphia, in which the latter was slain, and the fact being made known to the navy department, the president, with great promptness, and much to the satisfaction of the public, ordered Hunter, and three other officers concerned with him in the transaction, to be immediately discharged from the service.

New principles of American policy. In a government constituted like that of the United States, party distinctions must always be expected. The holders of offices cannot retain them for any long period, against the numerous aspirants, unless they can induce a belief that they are exclusively the friends of the people, and are pursuing a course of measures for their good, which their opponents are endeavoring to counteract; while they, on the other hand, with. equally patriotic and disinterested views, are laboring to establish a different opinion. The contest between Adams and Jackson, and their friends, at first merely personal, has latterly assumed something of a distinctive political character. The administration, claiming to be exclusively the advocates of state rights, maintaining that the gene. ral government, in the exercise of its powers, is to be confined within the strict letter of the constitution ;* that the state legislatures have right to judge when congress exceed their powers, and judging that they do in a given instance, to prevent the execution of such law within their limits.t

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of the party.

That congress have no power to raise or disburse money for the object of internal improvements,* and no power to lay duties for the purpose of protecting domestic industry :

That the general government have no power to protect the Indians in the enjoyment of the rights secured to them by treaty, against the encroachment of the state authorities. I

It is not intended that every individual of the administration, or of the public who support it, maintain all these principles, but they are the general leading characteristics

Jefferson dinner. Names are of great value in support of doubtful or disputed principles, often perhaps of more real efficacy than argument. That of Thomas Jefferson has been resorted to on the present occasion. By a recurrence to his family records, it was found that the birthday of that deceased patriot, happened on the 13th of April, 1743. Eighty-seven years afterwards, on the recurrence of the same day in 1830, a splendid fete was held at the city of Washington, at which the president, heads of departments, inembers of congress, and numerous other gentlemen of character and talents, supporters of the administration, attended. The foregoing principles and sentiments were advanced and advocated in the toasts and speeches on this occasion, and the authority of the man, whose birthday they celebrated, brought to their support. The Pennsylvania de legation, the warm advocates of General Jackson, and sup. porters of the measures of his administration, to the extent which their principles would admit, learning that sentiments were to be advanced contrary to their views of na. tional policy, on the subject of internal improvements, and the protecting system, absented themselves.

The former system. The other party, to which the title of national republican is sometimes, though not permanently attached, maintain,

That congress, the executive, and judiciary, in the exercise of their respective functions, must necessarily judge of the extent of their own powers, subject only to the control of the people in the exercise of their elective privilege, precisely on the same principles that a private agent must judge of the extent of his authority, subject to the control of his constituents :

* President's veto. 1 Toasts of 13th April.
Reports of committees on Indian affairs.

That no principle in the American system warrants the agents, appointed to administer the state governments, to exercise a control over that of the United States :

That a fair construction of the constitution authorizes a rational system of internal improvements, and the establishment of a tariff for the protection of domestic industry:

That the general government have power to compel the observance of treaties made under their authority, and protect the Indians in the enjoyment of the privileges heretofore guarantied to them.

To this party their opponents endeavor to fix the title of consolidationists, ascribing to them a plan of concentrating all power in the hands of the general government ; annihilating the state authorities, and reducing them to the condition of mere subordinate corporations.

To the other is ascribed a principle which goes to the destruction of all power in the general government, and to reduce the union to the broken and disjointed condition of the old confederacy. And

The question is fairly at issue before the American people.

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American system of education compared with European-Common schools-

Academies-Colleges-Their number, and annual number of graduates Motives to exertion-Display of American talent-Annual executive mes sages and documents-Diplomacy.

System of American education. In a government like that of the United States, based upon the virtue and intelligence of the people, the means and the progress of intellec. tual improvement form an important portion of its history. In monarchies, the leading object has been to keep the people in ignorance, on the ground that the less informed they are, the more easily they may be governed ; and of consequence, very little importance has been attached to the general diffusion of knowledge. The governments of Europe being bottomed upon the principle of distinct orders, their schemes of education are calculated to enlarge and perpetuate this distinction. Hence a few richly endowed universities, where a seven years' residence is requisite, and every facility afforded, for the highest literary attainments. The expenses of an education at them are such that none but the rich can enjoy its benefits. Either no provision at all, or a very inadequate one is made for the instruction of the cominon people. A directly opposite course has been pursued in the United States. The general government wisely leaves the subject of education to the state authorities, merely providing a military school, as a means of defense, to qualify a few youth for military service. The object of the state governments has been to diffuse an adequate portion of knowledge among all their citizens. For this purpose, measures have been taken to afford the children of the poor an opportunity of learning to read and write, and the elementary use of figures, without expense to their parents. Next are academies, at which the citizen of moderate wealth can give his children an education superior to what is at. tainable at the primary schools, and sufficient for the ordinary purposes of business.

Colleges. The highest grade of education, for which provision is made in the United States, is that which is ob

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