That congress have no power to raise or disburse money for the object of internal improvements,* and no power to lay duties for the purpose of protecting domestic industry :† That the general government have no power to protect the Indians in the enjoyment of the rights secured to them by treaty, against the encroachment of the state authorities.

It is not intended that every individual of the adminis tration, or of the public who support it, maintain all these principles, but they are the general leading characteristics of the party.

Jefferson dinner. Names are of great value in support of doubtful or disputed principles, often perhaps of more real efficacy than argument. That of Thomas Jefferson has been resorted to on the present occasion. By a recurrence to his family records, it was found that the birthday of that deceased patriot, happened on the 13th of April, 1743. Eighty-seven years afterwards, on the recurrence of the same day in 1830, a splendid fete was held at the city of Washington, at which the president, heads of departments, members of congress, and numerous other gentlemen of character and talents, supporters of the administration, attended. The foregoing principles and sentiments were advanced and advocated in the toasts and speeches on this occasion, and the authority of the man, whose birthday they celebrated, brought to their support. The Pennsylvania delegation, the warm advocates of General Jackson, and supporters of the measures of his administration, to the extent which their principles would admit, learning that sentiments were to be advanced contrary to their views of national policy, on the subject of internal improvements, and the protecting system, absented themselves.

The former system. The other party, to which the title of national republican is sometimes, though not permanently attached, maintain,

That congress, the executive, and judiciary, in the exercise of their respective functions, must necessarily judge of the extent of their own powers, subject only to the control of the people in the exercise of their elective privilege, precisely on the same principles that a private agent must judge of the extent of his authority, subject to the control of his constituents:

* President's veto. † Toasts of 13th April.
Reports of committees on Indian affairs.

4

That no principle in the American system warrants the agents, appointed to administer the state governments, to exercise a control over that of the United States:

That a fair construction of the constitution authorizes a rational system of internal improvements, and the establishment of a tariff for the protection of domestic industry:

That the general government have power to compel the observance of treaties made under their authority, and protect the Indians in the enjoyment of the privileges heretofore guarantied to them.

To this party their opponents endeavor to fix the title of consolidationists, ascribing to them a plan of concentrating all power in the hands of the general government; annihilating the state authorities, and reducing them to the condition of mere subordinate corporations.

To the other is ascribed a principle which goes to the destruction of all power in the general government, and to re duce the union to the broken and disjointed condition of the old confederacy.—And

The question is fairly at issue before the American people.

CONCLUSION.

American system of education compared with European-Common schoolsAcademies-Colleges-Their number, and annual number of graduates→ Motives to exertion-Display of American talent-Annual executive messages and documents-Diplomacy.

System of American education. In a government like that of the United States, based upon the virtue and intelligence of the people, the means and the progress of intellectual improvement form an important portion of its history. In monarchies, the leading object has been to keep the people in ignorance, on the ground that the less informed they are, the more easily they may be governed; and of consequence, very little importance has been attached to the general diffusion of knowledge. The governments of Europe being bottomed upon the principle of distinct orders, their schemes of education are calculated to enlarge and perpetuate this distinction. Hence a few richly endowed universities, where a seven years' residence is requisite, and every facility afforded, for the highest literary attainments. The expenses of an education at them are such that none but the rich can enjoy its benefits. Either no provision at all, or a very inadequate one is made for the instruction of the common people. A directly opposite course has been pursued in the United States. The general government wisely leaves the subject of education to the state authorities, merely providing a military school, as a means of defense, to qualify a few youth for military service. The object of the state governments has been to diffuse an adequate portion of knowledge among all their citizens. For this purpose, measures have been taken to afford the children of the poor an opportunity of learning to read and write, and the elementary use of figures, without expense to their parents. Next are academies, at which the citizen of moderate wealth can give his children an education superior to what is attainable at the primary schools, and sufficient for the ordinary purposes of business.

Colleges. The highest grade of education, for which provision is made in the United States, is that which is ob

tainable by a four years residence at one of the colleges. Of these, the whole number in 1829 was 43 averaging twenty three graduates each, or 989 in the whole, yearly.* The expense of an education at one of these institutions is from one to two thousand dollars, and within the means of a great portion of the citizens. Their object is to qualify the student for professional business. The colleges are but partially endowed, and their funds are inadequate to render a public education what it ought to be. For the perfection of any art, a division of labor is necessary; and in none more so than that of instruction. To render a college institution useful and respectable, a number of pofessors in the various branches of literature are necessary, as is also an extensive library, museum, and laboratory, which require funds much beyond what is proper to be demanded of the students, and render public patronage essential to the beneficial purposes of educution. Where there are rival institutions in the same state, this patronage is divided, and legislative bounty bestowed in so sparing a manner, as in some measure to defeat the object. Two causes have operated to produce a multiplication of colleges. Each state is ambitious of having at least one, and each religious denomination is anxious to have as many as may be, under its peculiar control. Though institutions for mere literary purposes ought not to partake of a sectarian character, yet with the freedom of opinion, and zeal for proselytism existing in the United States, this disposition will always be found, and will have the effect to multiply colleges.

Motives to exertion. After all the disadvantages under which the American system labors, for high literary attainments, the genius and talents of the country have appeared in a manner that will bear a comparison with those of older nations. Many considerations may be put in the opposite scale. The facility with which a public education is acquired has called forth talents of the first order, which otherwise would have been unnoticed, in the walks of private life. In a country where there is no distinction of orders, and where every one must rise by his own merits, the motives to exertion are all powerful. The field, likewise, is extensive and varied. First, in the primary assemblies of the people, where subjects of deep interest to these commu

*Missionary Herald, July, 1829.

mities are to be discussed; next, in the state legislatures, where all municipal laws are to be passed, and subjects of great concern to the states come under consideration; and lastly, in the halls of congress; no field can be found equal to the latter, in the inducements it affords to call talent into exercise. A thousand newspapers are ready to convey the speeches of the distinguished orator to all parts of the union. He speaks in the presence of the collected wisdom of the nation. His merits are thus made known to an intelligent community, and by them estimated, and placed to his credit. On a character thus acquired, he is to take his rank in society; and if, by any accident, he gets into a situation to which his talents are not adapted, the people see it, and he becomes disgraced. The extraordinary latitude of debate allowed in congress, by general consent, is highly favorable to the display of talent. Many of the speeches delivered in the halls of congress, will not suffer by a comparison with the parliamentary debates of any modern period, and want nothing but the sanction of age, to place them in the same rank with the most distinguished ones of antiquity.

Instances of American talent. Considered as an effort of the human mind, the production of the American system of government, is unequaled, and elevates its framers above the law-givers of ancient or modern times. Turning from European systems, founded in violence or corruption, and taking into view the wants, feelings, and wishes of their country, they struck out a new plan, adapted to its condition.

Annual messages and documents. That clause in the constitution, which requires of the president to give "to congress information of the state of the Union," has produced a series of messages, at the opening of the sessions, which, as well for correctness of style, as for importance of matter, are unequaled in the communications between the executive and legislative branches of any government. While European monarchs content themselves with a few general, commonplace remarks, made in the style of master to servant, to their legislative bodies, the American presi. dents go into an interesting detail of all the important affairs of the nation. The reports of the executive departments, accompanying the messages, as business papers, containing a minute statement of the affairs of their respective bureaus, form a striking contrast with the short and unsatisfactory statements of the same nature in other governments.