of both houses, some concessions were made on either part, and the act, as finally passed, amounted to little more than a declaration of the constitutional effect of the treaty.

Admission of Indiana. An act was passed, authorizing the people of the Indiana territory to form a state constitution, and providing for their admission into the union, with the privilege of one representative in congress, until the next census. The act provides,

That one section of six hundred and forty acres in each township of six miles square of the unsold lands, should be granted to the inhabitants of such township for the use of schools:

That all salt springs within the territory, with lands for the use of the same, not exceeding in the whole twenty three thousand and fifty acres, should be granted to the state for the use of the people:

That five per cent. of the net proceeds of the sale of all the public lands in the territory, should be appropriated to making roads and canals; three-fifths to be expended within the state, and the residue without, in roads leading to it, under the direction of congress. And,

That two thousand five hundred and sixty acres be granted to the state, for the purpose of fixing the seat of government thereon, to be located in such place as the legislature should direct. These liberal provisions had a salutary effect in encouraging settlements, and enhancing the value of the lands still retained by the United States in the territory.

Presidential caucus. The foregoing are the principal legitimate acts of the first session of the fourteenth congress. Their measures, with the exception of the compensation law, met with the general approbation of their constituents. One spurious and unhallowed act of a small majority of the members was considered by a large part of the community as highly derogatory to the rights of the citizens, and subversive of the best principles of the constitution. The second period of Mr. Madison's presidency would terminate on the 3d of March, 1817, and the appointment of electors in the several states for the choice of his successor would intervene between the first and second sessions of the fourteenth congress. It had become an established principle that the same person should not hold the office more than two terms, and in accordance thereto Mr. Madison was not considered a candidate. The approaching presidential election became a matter of deep interest. To a correct mind,

uninfluenced by the splendors of royalty, the office of president of the United States appears the most honorable of any that can be sustained by man. There is no intrinsic merit or honor in being born a king, but to be elected to the chief magistracy of ten millions of people by their free suffrages, is the highest attainment. The framers of the American constitution manifested great solicitude to separate the legislative and executive branches of the government, and render them mutually independent, that each might proceed to the discharge of its high duties uninfluenced by the other. With this view the instrument ordains "that no senator or representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, should be appointed an elector, and that no member of either branch of the legislature should, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which should have been created or the emoluments whereof should have been increased during such times; and that no person holding any office under the United States should be a member of either branch of the legislature, during his continuance in office." While Washington consented to preside over the destinies of the nation, these provisions of the constitution were adhered to in their spirit as well as letter. Opposition to his election was hopeless. On his retirement, the presidency, having in its gift several hundred lucrative offices, became an object of great intrigue and cupidity. Not only the candidate himself but all expectants of office under him, became zealously engaged in the cause. The United States had become divided into, and nearly equally balanced between, two great political parties. In the succeeding presidential elections, it became a matter of interesting concern for each party to concentrate their votes on a particular candidate; otherwise they were sure to fail. This formed an apology for the members of congress to overleap the spirit of the constitution by interfering in those elections. Assembled from all parts of the union, they considered themselves possessed of the public sentiment, and able to give it a united direction. For this purpose the members of congress of either party assembled in what was denominated a caucus and designated their respective candidates for the presidency. The seeming necessity of the case, while there was a balancing of parties, kept out of view the hazardous nature of the measure ; and it was resorted to, when a new president was to be elected, in case danger was apprehended from a candidate

of the opposite party. It requires but a slender acquaintance with the human character to learn, that ambition is a powerful operator on the minds of men in high stations; that this principle seeks the attainment of its object, by means adapted to the end, be they honorable or base, justifiable or criminal; and that whenever mankind become enslaved, it is through the mad ambition of man seeking his own aggrandizement in the ruin of liberty. In the season of canvassing for the presidential election in congressional caucus, the candidates are always found at Washington: they are usually members of congress or of the cabinet; but if not, they are sure to be there. They know the members most active in making the nominations, and the means by which their integrity may be assailed. These may be expected to be applied. The candidate having the highest honor that can be bestowed on man in view, must be something more than human to withstand the temptation. While these congressional caucuses are endured, the people have no barrier to protect their liberties from destruction, but a fancied incorruptible integrity which does not exist in human nature. In the expected change of the presidency in 1817, the two prominent candidates were of the same political party, both high in the estimation of the people; one at the head of the state, and the other of the treasury department, and standing on nearly equal ground. The original reason for holding caucuses on the subject of the presidential election had ceased; and a respectable portion of the national representation were desirious that the practice should cease with it. They correctly viewed it, as violating the spirit of the constitution, assuming to themselves a power wisely intrusted to other hands, and sacrificing the proper objects of legislation to cabal and intrigue. The first congress under the constitution, with great sagacity, had provided that the electors in the several states should be chosen within thirty-four days of the time fixed for giving in their suffrages, with the express view of preventing any intercourse between them and the candidates, but this precaution would most effectually be defeated, if the members of congress could erect themselves into an electoral college. While these selfcreated electors and the candidates were in the habit of daily intercourse, none could tell the bribery, the corrupt bargains, the great sacrifices of public interest that might be made at the shrine of ambition. Considerations of this nature had much influence, but did not entirely prevent a meeting on the subject of the approaching presidential election.

Meeting on the 16th of February. On Sunday the 10th of February, an anonymous notice in a printed form, addressed to the republican members of congress, was handed to each one, stating that a meeting would be held in the hall of the house of representatives on the following Tuesday evening to take into consideration the propriety of nominating persons as candidates for the offices of president and vice president of the United States. In pursuance of this notice fifty-eight members assembled, and having organized themselves by the choice of a chairman and secretary, resolved, "that in order to obtain a more general expression of the republicans relative to the approaching presidential election, the republican senators, representatives, and delegates be invited and requested to assemble at this place on the next Saturday evening, and that this invitation be given by publishing this resolution, signed by the chairman and secretary, in the newspapers of the city." At the second meeting, one hundred and nineteen members attended, and chose a new chairman and secretary. Mr. Clay introduced a resolution, declaring it to be "inexpedient to make in caucus any recommendation to the good people of the United States of persons in the judgment of this meeting fit and suitable to fill the offices of president and vice president of the United States." The question on this resolution was determined in the negative. Mr. Taylor, of New York, then introduced a resolution declaring that the practice of nominating candidates for the offices of president and vice president of the United States by a convention of the senators and representatives in congress was inexpedient, and ought not to be continued. This was also determined in the negative, and the meeting proceeded to ballot. The result was for the presidency, sixty-five votes for James Monroe, and fifty-four for William H. Crawford; and for vice president, eighty-five for Daniel D. Tompkins, and thirty for Simon Snyder. The following resolutions were then introduced by Mr. Clay, and concurred in without opposition :

"Resolved, That this meeting do recommend to the people of the United States James Monroe, of Virginia, as a suitable person for the office of president, and Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York, as a suitable person for the office of vice president of the United States, for the term of four years, commencing on the fourth of March, 1817. And

"That the chairman and secretary be appointed to ascertain from the persons above mentioned whether they are disposed to serve in the offices respectively designated."

Effects on other elections. The most enlightened and virtuous portion of the American public, viewed this measure as one of the most dangerous tendency. The example is contagious. The mischiefs of the caucus system pervade not only the presidential election, but all the subordinate branches of government. The honors and emoluments of office excite the strongest cupidities of the citizen. None are so insignificant as not to attract the attention of some. They are open to all, but all cannot be gratified. At the return of the election periods, the unsuccessful were constantly endeavoring to get, and the successful to keep possession. Hence arises a political warfare of a virulent character. To concentrate and marshal their forces, the leaders of the ins and outs hold these clandestine meetings, at which the question is not, what candidate is best qualified for office, but who will best promote the views of the party. The candidate being selected, the next question is, by what means can his election be secured; the character of these means is not regarded, so be it that they appear adapted to the end. Electors sworn to give their suffrages, as they in their consciences believe will conduce to the best good of the commonwealth, are seen pressing to the polls with the utmost eagerness to carry into effect the edict of some private caucus, whether the candidate is known to them or not, whether qualified for the office or otherwise. This forms no part of the inquiry. This disorder appears in some measure incident to the representative system, not peculiar to any party or period, and to be of such an incurable nature as to threaten the ultimate destruction of the body to which it is attached. The high minded citizen of every party, whose integrity and talents afford the best security for the faithful discharge of public trusts, ashamed of the practice, retires from the scene, and leaves the field to the unprincipled, the ambitious, and designing. Offices obtained by corrupt means are seldom well executed: they are made to subserve private views; the commonwealth suffers; the people, becoming dissatisfied, require a change, and prefer any form of government to that which places their most important interests in the hands of such administrators. It was an unfortunate circumstance, that when this disorder was at its highest pitch in the United States, it should have been sanctioned by the example of the national legislature. Americans exclaim against the bribery and corruptions of English elections. Their rotten boroughs and tumultuous and venal elections, are proverbial with the people of