magistrate of the whole nation, rather than to consent to be an instrument to perpetuate party animosities.

Correspondence between Monroe and Jackson. Among the many curious incidents attending the contest for the presidency, in 1825, was the disclosure of a confidential correspondence, between Mr. Monroe and a distinguished military officer, on the subject of forming the cabinet of 1817. It is to be regretted that any circumstance should lead to a scrutiny of the private and confidential correspondence of any individuals; but as these letters were finally published with the full consent of the writers, they have become the property of the public, and are interesting as they develope their views on an important subject. A principal object of the correspondence on the part of General Jackson, was to recommend Colonel William Drayton of South Carolina, a decided federalist, to the office of secretary at war, and to decline it himself. In a letter of the 12th of November, 1816, the general, an undeviating republican himself, remarks: "Your happiness, and the nation's welfare, materially depend on the selections which are to be made, to fill the heads of departments. Every thing depends on the selection of your ministry. In every instance, party and party feelings should be avoided. Now is the time to exterminate that monster, called party spirit. By selecting characters most conspicuous for probity, virtue, capacity, and firmness, without regard to party, you will go far to, if not entirely, eradicate those feelings, which, on former occasions, threw so many obstacles in the way of government, and perhaps have the pleasure and honor of uniting a people heretofore politically divided. The chief magistrate of a great and powerful nation should never indulge in party feelings; his conduct should be liberal and disinterested, always bearing in mind that he acts for the whole, and not a part of the community. By this course you will exalt the national character, and acquire for yourself a name as imperishable as monumental brass. Consult no party in your choice. Pursue the dictates of that unerring judgment which has so long and so often benefited the country, and rendered conspicuous its rulers."

In another part of his communications upon that subject, the general seems to think, that some of the federalists had rendered themselves obnoxious to military execution, as spies and traitors, in consequence of the sentiments they entertained, and the course they took in relation to the war; and had they fallen within his precincts, he

should have subjected them to martial law: notwithstanding which, as a body, he is of opinion their errors ought to be forgiven, and they restored to an equal standing with their political opponents. The constitution, he thinks, which proscribes religious tests as a qualification for office, ought in its spirit to be construed to exclude political ones, also, when they are made use of merely for the purpose of accumulating offices in the hands of a particular party. No man, since the Washington administration, has had the firmness to resist party considerations. The language of General Jackson, aside from his sentiments in relation to the military execution of certain federalists, is the language of General Washington, happily illustrated by his example. How the hero of New Orleans would have conducted under like circumstances, had not then been tested.

Twelve years afterwards, Mr. Monroe's confidential adviser became his successor; and the people over whom he was called to preside, looked with anxious expectation to see these noble principles exemplified in practice. It was not believed possible that a man who entertained such exalted sentiments, would ever prostitute the office to the purpose of rewarding partisan editors, and other instruments of his elevation. The proscriptions of 1829-30 created the more surprise, as proceeding from such a source; and led to the belief that their ostensible author had lost his energy of character, and given himself up to the guidance of unprincipled advisers.

Mr. Monroe, though a military officer of the revolution, seems not to have possessed the moral courage necessary to carry so noble a principle into effect. In a letter of the 14th of December, in reply to General Jackson's, he admits the correctness of the principle, but thinks the time had not then arrived when the object could be fully accomplished. "I agree with you decidedly," he says, "that the chief magistrate of the country ought not to be the head of the party, but of the nation itself. In deciding, however, how a new administration is to be formed, many considerations claim attention, as on a proper estimate of them much may depend of the success of that administration, and even of the republican cause. We have heretofore been divided into two great parties; the contest between them has never ceased from its commencement to the present time, nor do I think it can be said now to have ceased. To give effect to free government, and secure it from future danger, ought not its decided friends, who stood firm, to be principally re

lied on? Would not the association of any of their opponents in the administration, itself wound their feelings, or at least of very many of them, to the injury of the republican cause? Might it not be considered by the other party as an offer of compromise with them, and have a tendency to revive that party, on its former principles? My impression is, that the administration should rest strongly on the republican party, indulging towards the other a spirit of moderation, and evincing a desire to discriminate between its members, and to bring the whole into the republican fold, as quietly as possible. The first object is to save the cause, which can be done by those who are devoted to it, only, and of course by keeping them together; or in other words, by not disgusting them, by too hasty an act of liberality to the other party, thereby breaking the generous spirit of the republican party, and keeping alive that of the federal. The second is, to prevent the reorganization and revival of the federal party; which, if my hypothesis is true, that the existence of party is not necessary to a free government, and the other opinion which I have advanced is well founded, that the great body of the federal party are republican, will not be found impracticable. To accomplish both objects, and thereby exterminate all party divisions in our country, and give new strength and stability to our government, is a great undertaking, not easily executed. I agree perfectly with you in the grand object, that moderation should be shown to the federal party, and even a generous policy adopted towards it; the only difference between us seems to be, how far shall that spirit be indulged in the outset.

In the formation of an administration, it appears to me that the representative principle ought to be respected, in a certain degree, at least, and that a head of a department, there being four, should be taken from the four great sections of the union, the east, the middle, the south, and the west. This principle should not be always adhered to; great emergencies, and transcendant talents, would always justify a departure from it; but it would produce a good effect, to attend to it when practicable. Each part of the union would be gratified by it, and the knowledge of local details and means, which would thereby be brought into the cabinet, would be useful. I am in no wise compromitted, in respect to any one, but free to act according to my judgment."

In judging of the relative merits of this correspondence, it should be borne in mind, that General Jackson was theo

rizing upon what, on general principles, would be proper, and with a view to introduce a particular friend of his, belonging to the federal party, into the administration; while Mr. Monroe was anxiously engaged in marking out to himself a course of policy, for a situation in which he must soon be called to act.

The department of state was intrusted to Mr. Adams; Mr. Crawford was continued in the treasury. The war department was first offered to general Jackson, then to governor Shelby, next to Mr. Člay, and afterwards to Mr. Calhoun, who accepted. Smith Thompson, of New York, was appointed to the navy department. In all the important nominations, the president strictly adhered to the principles, which he prescribed to himself in the foregoing correspondence.

President's tour. Having made the necessary arrangements for the commencement of his administration, the president determined on taking a tour through the states, north of the Potomac, the ostensible object of which was, to visit the works of defense on the sea-board. From the cursory view of these works, to which he would necessarily be limited, no important results could be expected. But other objects of consequence would probably be accomplished. The citizens would be gratified with an opportunity of manifesting their respect for the president; he would learn the state of public feeling in an important section of the country, opposed to his election. It would have a tendency to soften the asperity of party feeling, and to reconcile the different political sects to each other, and to the chief magistrate of the union.

On the 31st of May, the president commenced his journey, accompanied only by Mr. Mason, his private secretary. At Baltimore, he was joined by general Swift, chief of the corps of engineers, who accompanied him through his tour, on the sea-board, for the purpose of making observations of a military nature, on the works of defense. Notwithstanding the plain and republican manner in which the president set out on this journey, professedly a tour of business only, there was a universal determination to show him every mark of respect. The cities, towns, and villages, which lay in his route, vied with each other in their exertions to honor the chief magistrate. The exhibitions were all of the same character, but more or less splendid, according to the number, wealth, and ambition of the citizens. One of the most pleasant circumstances attending these demonstrations, was the union of all parties. Political enemies, who had scarcely

been upon terms of common civility with each other for years, united in their congratulations, and festivities upon this occasion. It was emphatically denominated the era of good feelings.

Manner of his reception. His approach to a particular town being announced, the best lodgings were provided, to which he was escorted by the civil and military authorities, and citizens of the place. A committee of arrangements were appointed, who selected one of the ablest and most accomplished of their number, to deliver a congratulatory address. These were more or less polished, flattering, or bombastic, according to the talents, and feelings of their respective authors. The objects of all were the same. They bid the president a cordial welcome to their village; expressed their high sense of the honor he had done them; complimented him on his past services, and exertions for the public good; congratulated him and themselves on the national prosperity and its future prospects; expressed their confident expectations of a wise and impartial administration under his auspi ces; and wished him a safe and prosperous journey, and a long and happy life. These were answered with as much variety as the ingenuity of the president could suggest; but always with a reciprocation of good feelings; by a notice of any important event to the honor of the place, if any was within his recollection; by many thanks to the citizens for their civilities, and to the committee, for the polite manner in which they had been communicated; and by a profusion of good wishes for the prosperity of the town. A sumptuous entertainment was then provided,of the best the city afforded, at which the president occupied the chief seat; and the citizens arranged themselves on each hand, nearer or more remote, in proportion to their respective dignities. The entertainment was concluded with appropriate sentiments. Mr. Monroe received upwards of fifty of these civilities, in the course of his journey. And though to an old man, of upwards of sixty, more accustomed to the dull routine of business, than the hilarities of a feast, they became irksome; yet he went through them, with a good degree of eclat. His looks, words, and actions were favorably interpreted, and afforded a fertile subject of conversation for a considerable time after his departure.

Reception at Boston. How he would be received, and treated in the state of Massachusetts, and in the town of Boston in particular, became a matter of considerable speculation. They had given a unanimous vote against him.