absolute want. An affecting appeal was made by the city authorities, in behalf of the sufferers, to the humanity of their fellow-citizens, throughout the United States, and was responded to by liberal contributions in their behalf. In the city of New York, ten thousand dollars in money, and nearly an equal sum in provisions and clothing was collected and transmitted, with a request that it might be applied "to the relief of indigent persons, sufferers by the late fire, without distinction of color, who are dependent on their own industry for support.' The magistracy of Savannah refused to accept the donation, and returned it to the donors, remarking that they would not accept it with the condition annexed; that "it was calculated to awaken, and put forth impressions, not only dangerous to the tranquillity of that section of the union, but in reference to the humanity of the citizens of Savannah grossly injurious, and palpably incorrect; that it was throwing among them the fire-brand of discord, and if persevered in, would shake to its foundation the beautiful fabric of liberty, and jeopardize the federal unity of the republic." Their letter concluded with some general remarks unwarrantable by the occasion, and altogether inconsistent with the rules of civility, and the respect due to the generous contributors. "Traitors and demagogues," saythey, who only seek their own aggrandizement, may be permitted to smile amidst the havoc th ir unprincipled ambition may create; but that a true hearted American, devoted as he ought to be to the happiness and best interests of his country, should, under any metaphysical notions of abstract human rights, place in danger the union of these states, offering, as they do, the last and only rampart on earth against the inroads and aggressions of tyranny, is an impiety, madness, and folly, without the apology of any reason or motive. It is a moral malady, for which there can be no remedy; an infatuation, no analogies of the mind can explain." The rejected donation was applied to the relief of the indigent citizens of New York, without distinction of color, and Mr. Colden, in behalf of the donors, expressed their surprise and regret, that a wish, intimating the objects to which their charity should be applied, should have excited such a train of reflections as appeared in the letter. Any reference, the most remote, to the subject in agitation between the different sections of the union, or any sentiments other than those of sorrow and sympathy for their calamity, were disclaimed. The publication of this correspondence, put an end to all

further donations in the north, and prevented some, which had already been collected, from being transmitted to the sufferers.

About the same time, the American insurance company, of Philadelphia, in answer to an application from a gentleman in Savannah, to insure his house and furniture against fire, informed him "that they declined making insurances in any of the slave states." This letter, published in the newspapers of the south, did much to keep up the irritation. In the non-slave-holding states, the legislative bodies, and assemblages of the citizens in various circles, expressed their full conviction of the constitutional right of congress to prohibit the further extension of slavery, and the high importance, and absolute necessity of the measure, to the well being of the country.

Tariff. The tariff of 1816, had by no means given the desired encouragement to American manufactures. They were still unable to compete with the British, in the home market. England had indeed succeeded in preventing Bonaparte from forcing the continental system on Europe. But on the return of peace, the nations of the continent voluntarily adopted the principles of that system, and excluded, from their markets, every article of foreign growth or manufacture, which their own conntry was capable of producing. No nation ever thought of adopting a principle, which seems to be of modern discovery among some political economists of America, that of encouraging foreign trade at the expense of domestic production. Neither Great Britain or any other power, however zealous to promote their commerce, makes the least sacrifice of national industry to that object. British manufactures still continued to de excluded from the continental markets, wherever a domestic production could supply their place, and to be thrown into the United States, in quantities far beyond the wants or abilities of the people, and at such rates as to destroy domestic competition. Petitions from the manufacturing interest were numerous, and urgent, presenting to congress a very unpropitious view of its condition.

Subjects of commerce and manufactures referred to different committees. In the house of representatives, the subjects of commerce and manufactures had heretofore been unitedly referred to the same committee: at this session they were separated, and the manufacturing interest referred to a committee charged with that subject alone. The speaker, himself, a distinguished advocate of manufactures, placed at the

head of this committee, Mr. Baldwin, of Pittsburgh, an able and eloquent supporter of the interests of this class of citi zens. The district represented by Mr. Baldwin, was one of the most manufacturing sections of the union. Pittsburgh, built on the forks of the Allegany and Monongahela rivers, which furnish the means of communication with an extensive and rich country, separated from the sea-board by a ridge of high mountains, at a distance of three hundred miles, and furnished with an inexhaustible bed of coal in its vicinity, enjoys manufacturing advantages superior to almost any other portion of the union. Its citizens early perceived and brought into operation these facilities. During the war of 1812, its growth was rapid, and its manufacturing establishments prosperous. At its close, the inundation of British goods depressed all, and ruined many of the most valuable ones. On this occasion the electors of this district, uninfluenced by party feelings, or the arts of aspiring demagogues, selected one of their most able and intelligent citizens to support their claims. He had the Herculean task to meet and combat the various other interests which were supposed to conflict with this, supported by the talents of their respective advocates.

Report of the committee of manufactures. The committee reported three bills designed to give farther encouragement to American manufactures: One,

A revision of the tariff, with a view of imposing such duties on foreign manufactures as should give a decided advantage to the domestic: Second,

An act abolishing credit for duties on imported manufactures: Third,

A heavy duty on auction sales of foreign manufactured goods.

Tariff bill. These subjects next in importance to the Missouri question, occupied much of the attention of congress. In the discussion of the tariff bill, the same general course of reasoning, and the same diversity of sentiment between the mercantile interest of the north, united with the planters of the south on the one hand, and the manufacturing and agricultural interests of the northern, middle, and western states on the other, as took place in 1816, again appeared, together with some additional considerations in favor of the manufacturing concerns. Experience had now demonstrated that these establishments could not exist without further encouragement. Both skill and material were now improved, and with reasonable support, the de

mand in many articles might be well supplied from domestic sources. In the house of representatives, the tariff bill reported by the committee, passed with some alterations— ayes 90, noes 69. In the senate it was postponed to the next session-ayes 22, noes 21.

Bill for abolishing credits. In favor of abolishing the systems of giving credit for duties on importations, it was urged, that it was a novel practice, not adopted by any other nation; and allowed here, in the first instance, only on account of the exhausted state of the country, and the want of capital. That these reasons no longer existed. That it was now taken advantage of by foreigners, to inundate the country with their manufactures, make quick sales, and with the very capital which this credit for duties enabled them to collect from the consumer, to renew their importations. That much revenue, although paid by the citizens in the enhanced price of the goods, never reached the treasury in consequence of the bankruptcy of this description of traders. From the treasury report it appeared, that about one-fifth of the amount of a year's revenue, or upwards of four millions of dollars was in suit, a considerable portion of which would ultimately be lost. It was urged that the United States ought to profit by the uniform experience of the commercial nations of Europe, who had found that the best, most effectual, and least expensive mode of collecting their imposts, was to store the goods in government warehouses until the duties were paid. On the final question on the bill, it was negatived, ayes 55, noes 91.

Auction bill. On the the subject of auctions, it was said, they were ruinous to the regular trader. The goods sold were generally of an inferior quality, though of a high polish, made for the purpose of sale without close examination. The auction rooms were generally supplied by foreigners, who took this method to throw into the country great quantities of cheap deceptive goods, to the prejudice of substantial American fabrics. A bill laying a duty of one per cent. on sales at auction of groceries, and goods of that nature, and five per cent. on foreign manufactures, passed the house of repesentatives, ayes 89, noes 61. In consequence of the vote of the senate, postponing the tariff bill, this vote was afterwards re-considered; the auction bill being a part of the same system, the whole subject was referred to the next session,

French tonnage duty. On the principle of allowing a fair competition to navigation, congress had passed a law at a former session, abolishing the discriminating tonnage

duties, in relation to the vessels of all nations, which should adopt similar regulations in regard to American shipping. The measure was generally approved by foreign powers; but the French, desirous of securing to their navigation the transportation of the heavy articles of cotton, tobacco, and other productions of the United States, laid a prohibitory tonnage duty on American shipping in their ports. At this session, congress met this regulation by a counter duty of eighteen dollars a ton on French vessels visiting American ports, annexing a provision to the act, that it should cease whenever the French government should repeal their obnoxious decree.

West India trade bill. The executive having failed to obtain any relaxation of the colonial system from the British government, congress passed an act, closing their ports against all British vessels coming from their American possessions, and prohibiting any British vessels from transporting the productions of the United States to those colonies; and also forbidding the importation, on any terms, of any articles from those colonies, which were not the production of the place whence shipped. The object of this commercial war, was to operate upon the necessities of the British West India possessions, in such manner as to induce their government to relax their colonial system, in favor of American navigation. This attempt, like every other to coerce the British government to give up a favorite principle by hostile legislation, failed. No one maxim of their policy seems to be more firmly established than this, not to be driven from a point, by the legislation of other nations, directed against their commerce. A ministry that should suffer their measures to be influenced by such considerations, must prepare to quit their posts.

Nothwithstanding the slave trade was prohibited, under severe penalties, the temptation overcame the hazard of detection, and American citizens still continued to engage in it, in considerable numbers. The British and American governments were united in their views of the iniquity of this traffic, and in their wishes to prevent it. A variety of negotiations took place, in order to produce a union of exertions for this object. The proposition on the part of Great Britain was, that there should be a mutual right of search allowed, for this purpose only: that principle, however, in the abstract, and in every shape, being what the American government had always contended against, could not be acceded to; and each took their own measures to