Frankfort in 1848, manifested very unfriendly feelings towards the Poles of Posen, who maintained in their own country the rights of their nationality against the encroachments of Germanism, and the same assembly declared its intention to force the Slavonians of Bohemia, at the edge of the sword, to submit to their authority.*

These hostile manifestations against the Slavonians produced a corresponding feeling among those towards whom they were directed, who succeeded in forming a powerful party in the Austrian Parliament, assembled in 1848 at Vienna, and transferred afterwards to Kremsier. The object of this party was to render Austria essentially a Slavonic state, by giving to her a predominant Slavonic character, instead of the German one which she is now maintaining. This line of policy was meditated by the Emperor Joseph II. at the beginning of his reign, but abandoned probably on account of the comparatively inferior state of mental cultivation which then prevailed among his Slavonic subjects. They have however since that time immensely advanced in this respect, and so also have their claims to political significance. The strength of the Slavonic party in Austria was greatly increased by the separation of the Croats from the Magyars, who had attempted to impose upon them the use of their own language for official purposes, instead of the Latin, the employment of which in all public transactions had kept together for many centuries the heterogeneous populations of Hungary, and the abolition of which, in order to be replaced by the Magyar tongue, may be considered as a principal cause of the ruin of that country. The German democracy of Vienna, supported by the Parliament of Frankfort, allied itself with the Magyars; it was therefore natural that the Croats took the part of the Court, and that they were supported in this view by the leading men of the other Slavonic populations of Austria. The object of the Croats in attacking Vienna under Jellachich, was not to prove their loyalty to the Austrian dynasty, but to secure the rights of their nationality, and to establish the supremacy of the Slavonic race in the Austrian state. They were, however, sorely disappointed in their expectations. As soon as the Hungarians were crushed, the Austrian government resumed its ancient Germanizing policy. This political course, which met with much approbation in Germany, produced a violent irritation among the Austrian Slavonians, and particularly the Croats, who, in order to shew their disapprobation of this tendency, proposed the introduction of the Russian language in all the public

The same Parliament, professing liberal principles, sent a message to Radetzki congratulating him on his victory over the Italians!

Russian Influence in Austria.

549

transactions of their country. This strong manifestation of Russian Panslavism, in a population whose loyalty had preserved the Austrian Empire probably from a total dissolution in 1848, produced considerable alarm among the Austrian statesmen, and a painful impression upon all the thinking men of Germany; it did not however lead to any change in the Germanizing policy of the Cabinet of Vienna.

The Russian sympathies in Austria are not limited to the manifestation of the events which we have just mentioned; they have been widely diffused in the Austrian dominions by the Hungarian campaign of 1849, during which the conduct of Russia was as conciliatory as that of Austria was violent and unprincipled. The letter of Paskevich, recommending the vanquished to the clemency of the Emperor of Austria, and his refusal to comply with this demand, have not failed to produce the effect which was thus sought to be obtained. These circumstances have greatly increased the dangers of Austria; who has now to deal not only with the discontent of the Italians and Magyars, but also with that of the Slavonians. Her only chance of getting over this complication of difficulties was the conservative policy, which had hitherto been pursued by the Emperor of Russia, and which had inspired the cabinet of Vienna as well as the rest of Europe, with an apparently well-grounded security. But the present unprovoked attack on Turkey has now revealed a premeditated intention to carry out the vast schemes of ambition which the Russian Emperor has inherited with his crown.

It would be illustrating a truism if we were to expatiate here upon the causes which must hinder England and France from permitting Russia to take possession of Constantinople, or even to make new acquisitions from the Turkish territory. These have, moreover, been referred to in our last Number. But if the extension of Russia at the expense of Turkey is prejudicial in more than one respect to the political and commercial interests of England as well as to those of France, it is a question of the most vital importance to Austria-one in fact which is to be or not to be to that power. This is manifest when we consider the circumstances which have been already described. It is therefore natural that Austria should make the greatest effort to preserve peace; because, in case of war, she has no alternative but either to take part with the Western powers against Russia, or to join with the latter in order to obtain a share in the spoil consequent upon the dissolution of the Turkish

* See Article on Our International Relations.

empire. She at least cannot on any account remain neutral in the conflict which now seems impending in the East.

A single glance at the map of those countries may convince our readers of the truth of our assertion. By the occupation of Moldavia and Wallachia,* Russia outflanks the Austrian possessions to the bank of the Danube, and if she is allowed to occupy the Turkish territory between that river and the Balkan, she will at once extend to Montenegro, and completely enclose the Austrian dominions from Silesia to the Adriatic. Let us add, that the whole frontier line between Austria and Turkey from Cattaro to Transylvania is, on both sides, inhabited by the same Slavonic race, speaking the same language, and animated at least in many cases by the same national sympathies and antipathies. Should therefore Russia permanently acquire this portion of the Turkish territory, she will gain, by her geographical position, as well as by her religious and ethnical influence on the Slavonic and Wallachian† population of Austria, such a preponderance over that state, that it must virtually become a vassal of the Czar. Should it, however, be the policy of Russia, as is more probable, to begin by establishing an independent state or states in Servia and Bulgaria, the influence of these states upon those Austrian Slavonians, who, as we have said, inhabit the Turkish border, will be so great that sooner or later they must separate from her and unite with their brethren who enjoy an independent political existence. On the other hand, if Austria, uniting with Russia, shall seek to extend her territory at the expense of Turkey, which was the intention of the Emperor Joseph II., and which is now recommended by some German politicians, she will add greatly to her internal and external embarrassments, by thus increasing the number of her subjects belonging to the Slavonic race and the Eastern Church. This will not only open within her dominions a wider field for Russian influence, but it will considerably strengthen that party which seeks to give the Austrian state a Slavonic instead of its present German character, and which cannot but immensely augment the difficulties of the cabinet of Vienna. We think it probable, however, that if the

We strongly recommend to our readers the very interesting description of these Principalities contained in the work entitled, The Frontier Lands of the Christian and the Turk, which we have placed among others at the head of this Article. It is a book of travels eminently deserving the attention of all persons interested in the present relations of Eastern politics, for its interesting descriptions and sagacious judgments. The author is particularly well informed on the commercial resources and relations of the Principalities. His work could not have appeared at a more appropriate season.

There are about 2,600,000 Wallachians under the Austrian dominion, and about 2,000,000 in the Danubian principalities. They all belong to the Eastern Church.

Germany and the present Eastern Crisis.

551

war which now unfortunately appears to be imminent, shall take place, Austria will not hesitate between a RUSSIAN and an ANGLO-FRENCH alliance, but must join the latter. If she acts otherwise, she must at once lose Lombardy and have her commerce annihilated; whilst in declaring against Russia, she may, with the assistance of her Western allies, effect a territorial arrangement, which shall meet that formidable. position which Russia now occupies in Poland towards Germany, and to which we have already referred in this article. We have shewn that this position is equally menacing to Prussia and to all Germany, as it is to Austria, consequently Prussia is as much interested as Austria in obtaining a change of this state of things, and in effecting it on a solid and permanent foundation. The vacillating character of the present King of Prussia, and his near relationship with the Emperor Nicholas, will probably induce him to preserve a neutral position; but if the alternative were presented to Prussia, either to have her Rhenish provinces invaded, and her ports blockaded, or to take advantage of the present opportunity to remove the danger with which she is constantly threatened on the side of Russia, she would not, we believe, hesitate long in adopting the latter course.

War is a great curse, and peace a great blessing; but we cannot help thinking that it is fortunate for Europe and the progress of her civilisation, that the Czar has chosen for his unprovoked aggressions on our Turkish ally the present moment, when England and France are cordially united, and when their forces are not engaged elsewhere. It is evident that Nicholas, after having so emphatically declared his intention to go forward in defence of the orthodox faith, in an appeal, without precedent in the history of Russia, which was addressed as much to the Greek Christians of Turkey as to the religious enthusiasm of his own subjects, cannot now withdraw his pretensions, without diminishing that influence over the former which Russia, for so many years past, has been labouring to consolidate. We trust that if we shall be obliged to draw the sword in this just quarrel, it may not be returned to the scabbard until a solid peace, such as will effectually remove every cause of uneasiness on the part of Germany as against Russia, shall be established. We particularly rejoice in the cordial union between England and France, and in the straightforward and honourable manner in which the French Emperor has acted on the present occasion. Instead of supporting Russia like Charles X. in 1829, or hankering after her alliance like Louis-Philippe, he has preferred the friendship of England; and we hail this not only as evidence of a sound foreign policy on the part of France, but also as the harbinger of her gradual return to a liberal government at home.

ART. IX.-1. The Administration of the East India Company; a History of Indian Progress. By JOHN WILLIAM KAYE. Author of "The History of the War in Afghanistan.” 1853. 2. Memorials of Indian Government; being a Selection from the Papers of Henry St. George Tucker, late Director of the East India Company. Edited by J. W. KAYE. 1853.

3. India as it may be. By GEORGE CAMPBELL, Bengal Civil Service, Author of "Modern India." 1853.

4. India as it ought to be. By Major W. HOUGH, Author of "Political and Military Events in India." 1853.

5. The India Question of 1853. By H. THOBY PRINSEP, late of the Bengal Civil Service. 1853.

6. Letter to John Bright, Esq., M.P. By J. C. MARSHMAN. 1853.

7. The Mission, the Camp, and the Zenana. By Mrs. COLIN MACKENZIE. 2 vols. 1853.

8. India Reform Tracts. I. to IX. 1853.

9. India under a Bureaucracy. By JOHN DICKINSON, Jun. 1853.

10. An Address to Parliament on the Duties of Great Britain to India in respect of the Education of the Natives, and their Official Employment. By CHARLES HAY CAMERON, &c. &c. 1853.

11. Minutes of Evidence before the Houses of Lords and Commons. 1853.

12. Hansard's Debates. June and July. 1853.

Or the individual merits, or rather of the peculiar characteristics, of all these several works, we shall probably speak incidentally in the course of the present article. But we have no intention of minutely examining their contents. The exuberance of the growth of books and pamphlets, only imperfectly represented by the above catalogue, is sufficient indication of the pressing importance of the subject. Only six months have passed away since we last addressed ourselves to an inquiry into the character of "The Government of the East India Company." Since that month of February more has been written, and more has been said upon the subject, by writers and speakers in this country, than during the entire preceding period of our literary and political existence.

On the 3d of June 1853, the President of the Board of Control, Sir Charles Wood, brought forward, in a five hours' oration, the ministerial scheme for the future government of India. From that time up to the present hour of publication, the East