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Evangelical Christendom.

FEBRUARY, 1879.

THE MONTH.

THE friends of rational liberty throughout the world may well congratulate France upon the twofold crisis through which she has just passed, and the double victory she has achieved. The result of the senatorial elections has far exceeded the most sanguine anticipations of the Republicans; and hence those who desire that our neighbours across the Channel should, like ourselves, enjoy the blessings both of order and of freedom, have every reason to rejoice. France has now a better prospect of a government which shall be at once durable and popular than haз opened up before her for at least a generation. The elections for the Senate have given to the Liberals of France a majority of more than double what M. Gambetta had predicted. Instead of twenty-five, the Republicans outnumber the Conservatives by sixty. In the Senate, as newly constituted, the proportion between the two parties will be about one hundred and twenty of the one to one hundred and eighty of the other. The change thus effected in the composition of that body suffices to make impossible at present either a Monarchical or Imperial reaction. And if the Republicans of France-who are, in fact, identical with the Liberal party in that country-do but continue to show, in this hour of their triumph, the moderation by which mainly that triumph has been won, the Republic may be regarded as having been, by recent events, consolidated, strengthened, and settled; and as likely to be for a long period the future permanent form of government in France. That same self-restraint which enabled its advocates to overthrow the men of the 16th of May, 1877, and which has now given them the ascendancy in the Senate as well as in the Chamber, will, if persevered in, give them the power to pass safely through the crisis which yet awaits them, when in 1880 the Septennate shall expire. Already, indeed, has an opportunity been afforded them, since the senatorial elections, of exercising the self-control which, to them especially, is so essential to success. The Extreme Left, not unnaturally expected from the Government of M. Dufaure, after the elections for the Senate had told so completely in their favour, and had thus relieved them from all apprehensions of Ultramontane or reactionary plots, and of future conflicts between the various powers of the State, that they would adopt in their policy a more decided and a bolder course than that necessary whilst the Senate might at any time assume towards them, and even towards the Republic itself, an aspect of hostility. From this point of view, the recent Ministerial “statement or "programme" appeared to them defective and, indeed, almost half-hearted in its tone. M. Senard, as the mouthpiece of the Left, brought the matter before the Chamber, and the Government were invited so to explain or amend their original announcement, as to convince that assembly that, under their sway, the stability of Republican institutions was assured. In reply, M. Dufaure declared that he accepted the views of M. Senard, that several official changes had been made already, and that the senatorial elections undoubtedly imposed upon the Govern

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ment the duty of increased energy and firmness in regard to functionaries not well affected to the Republic; contending also that the previous career of the Ministry entitled it to confidence, and that its future policy should be interpreted by the light of its doings in the past. A resolution was then passed by a majority of 102 (the Right apparently not voting), declaring that the Chamber, trusting in the Ministry, and convinced that they would satisfy the country in respect of the administrative and judicial functionaries, "passes to the order of the day." Thus has a crisis, thought by many not inferior in gravity to that of the senatorial elections, been successfully passed through. Moderation and good feeling have triumphed; the Government have been compelled to be more explicit than at first, and confidence has been accorded them on the condition that, by taking all needful precautions to insure the stability of the Republic, they satisfy the legitimate desires of the nation. A twofold crisis has thus been surmounted, and a double victory secured.

Shere Ali, as was anticipated, has abandoned his dominions and fled to Turkestan, and Candahar is in possession of our Indian troops. The detachment of six or seven hundred Afghan cavalry, by whom their advance had been resisted, were easily defeated by General Stewart, who, encountering no other obstacles to his progress, at once took possession of the town. More recent information states that Ghoolam Hussein, the civil Governor, aided by the officials of the Ameer, has not only succeeded in maintaining order, but also in restoring the entire municipal and provincial administration of the district. General Roberts's advance has not been equally successful. Informed that the inhabitants of the Khost Valley were friendly in their disposition, he discovered, on the contrary, that, in alliance with other tribes, they were about to assume the offensive. He therefore attacked them in three columns, and utterly routed them, with considerable loss, whilst the casualties on his own side were but insignificant; but, fearing to encounter them again in more formidable numbers, he has deemed it wise to concentrate his forces, and to retreat towards Kuram, leaving, however, one or two regiments of native troops behind him to overawe the tribes in the immediate vicinity. The Khyber Pass is still reported insecure, being infested by marauders; and it is even stated that Yakoob Khan, whom his father liberated and left in charge at Cabul, finding himself powerless to exercise any sovereignty there, has now himself effected a retreat. Generally speaking, it may no doubt be said that Afghanistan is without a government, and that, for the most part, anarchy prevails. It may therefore be affirmed that the war can be further prosecuted with but little satisfactory result. There is no regular army, in fact, with whom the Indian troops can fight; whilst to conclude peace when there is no Executive with whom to conclude it, seems equally impossible. We have not as yet secured any rectification of boundaries, and our frontier is at the present moment actually more "unscientific" than before! It will require no ordinary amount of administrative tact and skill to turn to practical account our present position in Afghanistan.

In all social circles-alike by the domestic fireside and in the haunts of business, the counting-house, the mart, and the exchange-the prevalent depression of trade, and the severe personal distress and destitution which, as the consequence, so widely and so fearfully prevail, constitute the chief and all-engrossing theme. From day to day new facts are brought to light, which show that the evil is more deeply and generally felt than, at the outset, was supposed by many. In the great manufacturing towns, whether in the midland or the northern districts, privation is, by thousands, most keenly and severely felt; but, owing to the various and complex nature of the

February 1, 1879.]

trades there carried on, the artisans are somewhat less dependent on any particular form of industry, and when their own special vocation fails them, can at times find support and refuge in another. Both in Birmingham and Manchester the municipal authorities have taken up the work of relief in a thoroughly business-like and resolute spirit, and their example cannot but have a most beneficial effect on other centres of activity. Extraneous help is, in the main, eschewed, and local resources and existing organizations are made almost exclusively available for prosecuting the needful inquiries, and affording the requisite relief. The subject of the best means of dispensing that relief, and the principles on which it should be given, are just now, as is natural, exciting close and general attention. The Charity Organization Society, in particular, is striving to impress upon the public the necessity of estab lishing a clear distinction between the operations of public law and those of private and individual benevolence. They contend that such of the population as are normally and habitually in a state of pauperism are the proper objects of the Poor Law, whilst those suffering from occasional and exceptional distress, and who are personally deserving of assistance, are those on whom charity, in a proper sense, should, in a prompt and systematic manner, be bestowed. The subject is doubtless one of great difficulty, as periods of real distress are likewise opportunities which the undeserving will not fail to seize; nevertheless, those in need must be assisted, and Christians, who are laid under a special obligation to remember that the poor they have always with them, ought undoubtedly to be ever foremost in this work of practical philanthropy. We rejoice to believe that it is so at the present time; and that in the extraordinary efforts now being made to compensate for what trade at present fails to yield, and neither the Poor Law nor its administrators have any power to supply, those are most active and zealous who are the followers of Him who went about doing good, and who has said, in reference to supplying the wants of the needy, "Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these, ye have done it unto me."

Although the general public have not yet felt so seriously as the Company the consequences of the Midland Railway strike, there is some apprehension that these will shortly affect, very appreciably, the national convenience, and create fresh complications. Other strikes are still in operation; and others, again, have but just commenced. Under the present circumstances of the country, however much we may regret these facts, they can be no occasion for surprise. In these hard and exceptional times employers and employed are each striving to make the best bargain for themselves-sometimes, we fear, without adequate consideration for the rights and interests of others. It were well, in these trade disputes, if each party would strive to realize more honestly and thoroughly the point of view of their opponents. Were this more generally done, it would not only tend to allay irritation and promote mutual forbearance and concession, but to bring out into prominence the fact that the interests supposed to be antagonistic are often clearly and demonstratively identical. That the present period of distress may ultimately tend to draw together more closely the various classes of the people, to make employers more considerate and liberal, and the employed more patient, painstaking, and conscientious, is the earnest desire of every true philanthropist and every genuine lover of his country.

Prince Bismarck has submitted to the Federal Council of Germany the draft of a Bill which, if passed in its present state, will take away from the Parliament of that country its fundamental and essential rights. By this measure, under the plea of repressing seditious utterances, and prohibiting language which the Executive

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Government may choose to construe as implying or involving danger to the State, that most elementary privilege of all Parliaments, liberty of speech, is restrained, and the free expression of opinion, without which any representative body becomes almost powerless as a source of honest and effective legislation, is limited. This Bill provides that the Reichstag is to be armed with the power of inflicting severe punishment on any of its own members who may be judged guilty of "offensive "utterance (a very comprehensive and elastic term), and certain articles in the constitution notwithstanding, still further with the power to deliver them to be tried as criminal offenders. It also enacts that all "improper" expressions of members are to be excluded from the shorthand reports, and that their publication elsewhere may be prohibited. The excuse, of course, for such stringent legislation is the alleged necessity for preventing any expression of Socialistic feeling in the Legislature. The Emperor and the Federal Council may possibly endorse the Chancellor's views; it is matter of considerable doubt whether the German Reichstag will consent thus to abdicate its own essential privileges.

The Pope's recent Encyclical is, in its tone and spirit, in strict accordance with his letter addressed not long since to the Archbishop of Cologne. It is an appeal to the crowned heads of Europe, reminding them of the dangers to which their own thrones are exposed from the machinations and intrigues of Socialism, Communism, and the like, and adjuring them, if they would resist and overthrow these foes, to enter for that purpose into an alliance, offensive and defensive, with the Court of Rome. It attributes all these evils to the neglect, by the sovereigns and peoples of the Continent, of the doctrines and the jurisdiction of the Holy See, and denounces Protestantism as the root and parent of them all; affirming, virtually, that until Papal supremacy in its widest claims is fully recognized and heartily obeyed, neither peace nor prosperity is possible in Europe.

Father Hyacinthe appears before us in a new and curious light. Convinced that the Roman Church has not been faithful to the truth, satisfied that there is not in France a true "shepherd of souls" amongst the prelates, yet clinging to the tradition that without episcopacy no Church can exist, except indeed in a condition of "religious anarchy," the idea of reviving the ancient Gallican Church, in independence of the Vatican, some time since occurred to him; and, animated by that desire, he applied to the Primate of all England for his counsel and his aid, especially, it would seem, desiring to place his own "mission" under the protection and sanction, if not the jurisdiction, of the English Archbishop, and imagining that Anglican prelates might, in their own episcopal capacity, be induced to ordain bishops who should exercise the jurisdiction of their office over congregations formed in France. The idea is startling, but it is undoubtedly an outcome of the recent Lambeth Conference. The Archbishop, however, was too circumspect to allow himself, or the Church of which he is the recognized ecclesiastical chief in this country, to undertake the responsibility which Father Hyacinthe invited him to assume. He discreetly referred his correspondent to the Scottish Episcopate, and the result has been, so to speak, the opening of negotiations on the subject between Father Hyacinthe and the Bishop of Moray and Ross. What the Church of England, with all her responsibilities arising from her legal status and her close connection with the State, could not do, may possibly be ventured on by the Episcopal Church in Scotland, which has no such status or connection; and the correspondence which has been published shows it to be at least possible that Scottish bishops may lend to Father Hyacinthe's proposal a listening ear. Should they either themselves undertake the supervision

of the congregations he may form, or ordain other prelates for the purpose, they will in no way compromise the English episcopal authorities, who, should the enterprise prove a failure, can repudiate all responsibility for it, whilst, should it succeed, they may take credit to themselves for commending the matter to the notice of the Scotch Episcopate. We regret that Father Hyacinthe should not allow his faith in Christ's Gospel to rise superior to these ecclesiastical or canonical considerations, the undue importance attached to which can, we fear, only tend to produce polemical contention. Were he to concentrate all his energy on the simple proclamation of the Gospel, instead of seeking to obtain sanction for his work from foreign bishops, or to place it under prelatical authority, he would, we think, be doing more to promote both the conversion and salvation of his countrymen and the glory of the Master whom he seeks to serve.

Marshal Espartero is no more. A great man, a sincere patriot, a successful general, an incorruptible and able statesman, he will long be remembered by his fellow-countrymen as one of the foremost politicians of the generation that is past. Amidst the general corruption which, unhappily, so long obtained in Spain, and which was manifested not only in private life, but also and especially in all the functions and departments of the State, the name of Espartero stands out in honourable contrast to those of the bulk of the political traders and intriguers of his time. Born in 1792, and originally intended for the priesthood, the future Marshal, who had no tastes or tendencies in that direction, early decided to relinquish all thoughts of the clerical profession, and to embrace the military calling. When the French invaded Spanish soil, Espartero enrolled himself as a volunteer for the defence of his country; his first exploits, however, were achieved in the war of Spain, witte her insurgent colonies of Venezuela and New Granada. After the death of Ferdinand, in 1833, Espartero became the chief figure in the war of succession which then broke out in Spain between the Christinos and the Carlists. That war continued for seven weary and desolating years; it was, however, conducted by Espartero, in conjunction with General Sir De Lacy Evans and the British Legion, to a successful and triumphant issue. The Marshal's personal and conspicuous courage, no less than his strategical and political ability, largely contributed to this result. Thenceforth his career became political, and he distinguished himself as a statesman no less than he had previously done as a commander. Ardently embracing the Liberal side, he opposed the corrupt and reactionary schemes of the Ministers of Maria Christina as decidedly as he had previously declared against the open insurrection of Don Carlos. Ultimately he triumphed in this conflict also, becoming President of a new Cabinet; and afterwards, when the Queen-Mother resigned her office as Regent, he was elected by the Cortes to succeed her during the minority of Isabella II. Subsequently he was driven from power, and became an exile in this country. In 1854 he once more accepted office at the instance of Queen Isabella, but, being thwarted in his policy by his colleagues, retired into private life. After the deposition of the Queen, he might have been elected President of the Republic, or even King, but, with noble self-abnegation, preferred to continue in seclusion for the remainder of his life. Whatever his faults, he was undoubtedly a true lover of his country, desiring to see her emancipated alike from civil tyranny and priestly domination; and Spain owes to his memory a debt of gratitude and respect such as she has had but little reason to be conscious of towards any other of her statesmen.

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