NOTTINGHAM BRANCH.

THE WEEK OF PRAYER.

"The observance of special seasons of prayer for specific objects was familiar to the Jewish people during the greater part of their history, until the advent of the Messiah. Since then it has not been less familiar to the nations professing Christianity. Soon after the formation of the Evangelical Alliance some of its members agreed in the opinion that the annual observance of a week of prayer, by holding meetings for united prayer on suitable and predetermined topics, would conduce to the fostering of fraternal feeling and union among Christians of divergent views on the non-essentials of religion, and to the elevation of religious sentiment and feeling generally. The suggestion was made that the week commencing with the first Sunday in the year would be appropriate for such observance. A brief address and a list of topics for prayer on each day, and for discourse on the first and second Sundays of the year, having been prepared and sanctioned, the document was issued by the Council of the British Branch of the Evangelical Alliance. This met with such general acceptance, that the practice has continued to the present time. The list of topics is annually prepared by the Council in London, and sent to the principal officers of the different branches of the Alliance throughout the world. It is then revised, printed, and

issued, and, wherever a branch,cf the Alliance
exists, is carried into effect.
For nany years
now it has been so in Nottingham. The
meetings are held at noon on the Monday
and the three following days of the week.
Only one evening meeting is held, that of
Monday, because of so many evening meet-
ings being held by the different churches.
The severity of the weather this year has
been unfavourable to meetings of all kinds.
Not more than a hundred persons probably
were present at any one of the meetings, and
not more than half that number at one of
them. All were marked by devotional feel-
ing. Special prayer was offered for one
afflicted Christian, and thanksgiving for the
recovery of another for whom prayer had
been offered the year before, when passing
through agonising suffering in consequence of
having been nearly burnt to death six months
previously." We quote the above from the
Nottingham Daily Express. Mr. W. B. Carter,
the indefatigable Secretary of this branch,
adds: "Seventeen ministers had promised to
take part, and all fulfilled their engagements
except two, who were prevented by illness
and other causes. Eleven were Noncon-
formists, and four Church of England clergy-
men. One of the latter took part in two
meetings, and efficiently supplied the place
of the absentee as well as his own part in
the programme."

IRISH BRANCH.

daily noon prayer-meeting. The attendance, always good, but then largely increased, testified to the interest of our Christian people in this annual Week of Prayer. Each evening united meetings in connection with various places of worship-Episcopalian, Congregational, Presbyterian, Wesleyan, and Baptistwere held throughout the city, and, in spite of most unfavourable weather on some of the evenings, were well attended. A ministers' prayer-meeting was also held in the afternoon. We feel that progress was made during this Week of Prayer, and that we may expect a blessing upon the labours of ourselves and others.

The Week of Prayer was looked forward | Each day the subjects were taken up at the to with much interest and expectation by the Christians of Dublin; and those who attended the various meetings were not disappointed in the hope of blessing. The prevailing feeling seemed to be heartfelt thankfulness for this great union for prayer, and assured confidence that He who has called forth this world-wide observance at the commencement of the year will in His own time and way bestow as wide a blessing, in which it will be our privilege to share. The thought that thousands of the Lord's people throughout the world were at that moment calling upon His name and pleading His promises, seemed to inspire such prayer, and, amid all our difficulties, to impart full vigour to our hopes.

SEVENTH GENERAL CONFERENCE OF CHRISTIANS OF ALL
IN BASLE, AUGUST 31-SEPTEMBER 7, 1879.

NATIONS,

The Council of the British Organization of the Evangelical Alliance have much pleasure in announcing that the forthcoming Conference in Basle will commence on August 31. It is hoped that this early intimation of the date will enable large numbers of the members and friends of the Alliance to arrange to visit Switzerland on this occasion. The circular invitation, containing the programme and further particulars, will be published in a few days.

Evangelical Christendom.

MARCH, 1879.

THE MONTH.

CANTILE

IERARY

WE had occasion, in our last issue, to congratulate the French people on the result of the senatorial elections, and on the moderation of the Republican party in that hour of their triumph. We noted the discretion they evinced when the Ministerial programme was before the Chamber, in adopting M. Jules Ferry's order of the day; thus preventing disunion, promoting combined action amongst the various sections of the Left, and, whilst expressing confidence in the Cabinet, stimulating it to more decided and energetic action. Unforeseen, however, either by them or by ourselves, a greater crisis than any the French people had as yet passed through was then immediately before them. The Ministry, in their endeavour to respond to the desires of the majority of the Chamber, found themselves unexpectedly confronted by the opposition of the President. Marshal MacMahon declared it impossible to sign the decrees for the removal of certain generals, which in due course were laid before him by his Cabinet. Such changes, he told them, he believed would be injurious 'both to the interests of the Army and of France. Recognizing, however, the positionconscious that his obligations as a constitutional ruler required that from him which (however mistakenly) his conscience as a man forbade,-he accepted the alternative alone compatible with honour, and resolving neither to betray his trust nor to act in opposition to his judgment, anticipated the expiration of his term of office, and remitted back to France the high authority he had so long wielded in her name. By thus acting he saved the nation from a repetition of the intrigues and plots of 1877, secured its peace, and enabled the executive power to be transferred to his successor in perfect calmness and tranquillity. It has been not inaptly observed that, by this conduct, he showed a comprehension of his true duties and position which two years since he seemed scarcely to possess, and that his last act was the most graceful and becoming throughout his presidential career. His letter to the Chambers was received in respectful silence. All felt that, however they might disapprove his views or repudiate his policy, his action had at least been conscientious, and that the credit he claimed for himself of not having been influenced by any selfish or unworthy motives was undoubtedly his due. By the timid politicians of France it had long been feared that the expiration of the Marshal's term in 1880 would be heralded by dynastic conspiracies and plots, and would bring about a state of almost general disorder and confusion. The election of his successor, it was thought, would be the signal for firing all the various explosive elements still subsisting in the land, and a general conflagration was widely apprehended. All such anticipations are now happily dispelled. The prompt, quiet, and triumphant election of M. Grévy to the Presidency for a term of seven years is the conclusive answer to them all. The institutions of the country are working well, and are therefore, with the exercise of due prudence on the part of those in power, the more likely to endure. Of such prudence on the part of French statesmen we have now

F

repeated proofs, and our anticipations of a settled government for France-a government that shall combine the elements of order and of freedom-are the more certainly assured. The course which events have taken since the Marshal's resignation is full of promise for the future. M. Dufaure, indeed, has resigned the Premiership, but this was expected, and is justified by reason of his age. M. Waddington, the new Premier, will continue the same liberal yet careful policy. Νο serious changes have taken place in the composition of the Cabinet, which is likely to be not only popular at home, but respected and influential abroad, and to secure for France her proper place in the councils of united Europe. The appointment of M. Gambetta as President of the Chamber of Deputies has indeed occasioned some surprise. It has been supposed that such an office would be incongruous with the aspirations, and scarcely compatible with the habits, of a tribune of the people so ardent and pronounced. It may be, however, that the appointment is on these very grounds the best. In his new position M. Gambetta will still retain his great and deserved influence, both with the people and the Ministry; his ardour will be tempered with impartiality; the moderation and discretion he possesses will be called into more active exercise; and he will be dissociated from men of extreme and unpractical ideas. All danger is not, indeed, yet past. The friends of the Republic have still a call for the exercise of self-restraint. They will do well to let bygones be bygones to abandon the idea of impeaching the De Broglie Ministry, for which, since the resignation of Marshal MacMahon, no necessity can possibly exist; and generally so to combine progress with magnanimity as, by satisfying their supporters and conciliating their opponents, to insure their own ultimate success.

It is, perhaps, not too much to say that the changes in the French Ministry, after M. Jules Grévy's election to the presidential chair, awakened an interest almost as lively as the choice of the new President himself. It was felt that the choice of the future Premier would materially determine the tone and temper of the Cabinet. Great, therefore, was the satisfaction produced by the advent of M. Waddington to power. Nor are the other new names less popular in their degreeall tending, as they do, to show that every effort will be made to consolidate and strengthen the Republic, to be conciliatory, yet firm; to advance free institutions, to promote popular education independently of clerical control, and to hold the balance even between Catholics and Protestants throughout the land. This last conviction is strengthened by the fact that not only is the Premier himself a Protestant, but also four out of the eight other members of his Cabinet! Protestantism is, hence, more likely than at any former time to have its due weight in the councils of the land, and its influence will indubitably be put forth in the direction alike of progress, liberty, and peace.

Much excitement has been caused, and public interest everywhere aroused, since our last issue, in relation to the war in Zululand. The unfortunate disaster to our troops, resulting in the loss of so many brave lives as have been cut off by the unexpected attack of the Zulu foe, has directed universal attention to this melancholy contest, not unmixed with apprehension for the safety of the people of Natal. It would as yet be premature to pronounce a censure on the officers, or to judge as to who is responsible for the catastrophe. Meanwhile, the Home Government are doing all they can to allay alarm, and to retrieve our military status. Large reinforcements have embarked, or are on the point of embarkation, for the Cape. The conduct of Sir Bartle Frere is freely, and perhaps unfairly, criticised; and an opinion is entertained by many that the conflict in which we are now involved with this

formidable nation of South Africa is neither just nor needful, and might have been easily averted. That opinion is understood to be shared both by the colonists and the British Government itself. The whole matter deserves, and will undoubtedly receive, the most thorough and serious investigation.

Parliament has once more met, and, without much excitement or anticipation being awakened by the fact, has resumed its ordinary labours. The prevalent opinion appears to be that the session is likely to be dull. We trust, however, that it may not prove barren of legislative action or result. It would be matter of deep regret were our foreign policy for the next few months so completely to divert the attention of Parliament as it did in the last session from matters pressing for settlement at home. That, last year, was to a large extent unavoidable; but it would be a serious error and misfortune were the Legislature, this year, to do as little in their own special work of legislation for the benefit of the country as they are fairly chargeable with doing or not doing in the last. We are promised several important measures, and we trust they may receive the fullest and amplest consideration.

Negotiations have for some time been going on between the Government and the Romish bishops of the sister country, in reference to Irish university education. The question of Government aid to "Irish intermediate education " has already been discussed and settled. Parliament has sanctioned, in respect to it, the principle of State aid to denominational schools-a principle recognized, indeed, in our legislation for the country at large, yet decidedly a retrogressive principle when contrasted with that adopted in Ireland for "mixed education." The fact is that, in the judgment of the Irish priests, the latter scheme has worked too well, for it has threatened to undermine their power with the people. This was the secret also of their opposition to what they styled the "godless colleges," where, in the pursuit of the higher branches of purely secular knowledge, Romanists and Protestants sat side by side. But in regard to university education, even the principle adopted in the "intermediate" will not satisfy the Romish bishops. They insist on Roman Catholic universities pure and simple, to be supported by the nation, and to which all the youth of the higher classes, of Catholic parentage, shall exclusively be sent. It is now affirmed that the negotiations, above referred to, between the Romish prelates and the Cabinet, have in consequence been broken off, as the bishops will accept nothing short of the public endowment of a Roman Catholic university per se. The Ministry are, it is believed, desirous to propitiate these Irish malcontents, and thus secure the "Irish vote" both in and out of Parliament; but they would be unwise in the extreme to yield to the pressure put upon them by the bishops. The Protestants of the United Kingdom will not consent that the youth of Ireland should be handed over, at the public expense, to the exclusive domination of the priests. The Roman Catholics have a right, if they choose, to send their sons to seminaries under clerical control, but not to do so at the public cost. Our recent university legislation has all been in the direction of freedom from religious tests; and young men seeking a degree obtain it at universities where capacity and learning are the only conditions of success. We must adopt no retrogressive policy. The Roman Catholics of Ireland already enjoy complete religious freedom, perfect equality of privilege and right, but they certainly have not, in the matter of education, any claim to sectarian ascendency.

The trial of the Glasgow Bank Directors has issued, as was anticipated, in their conviction and sentence on the charge of publishing false and fictitious balance