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changed. Well, that was the design when our present Constitution was formed, and, still, we say, it was a failure. How more carefully could a new one be arranged? Men will say that we of the South are one, and that we shall get along well enough. But they who say it know neither history nor human nature. When the Union was formed, twelve of the thirteen States were slaveholding; and if the cotton-gin had not been invented there would not probably to-day have been an African slave in North America.

"But how about the State organizations? This is an important consideration, for whether we consult with the other Southern States or not, it is certain that each State must act for itself, in the first instance. When any State goes out of the present Federal Union, it then becomes a foreign Power as to all the other States, as well as to the world. Whether it will unite again with any of the States, or stand alone, is for it to determine. The new confederacy must then be made by those States which desire it; and if Georgia, or any other State, does not find the proposed terms of federation agreeable, she can maintain her own separate form of government, or at least try it. Well, what form of government shall we have? This is more easily asked than answered.

"Some of the wisest and best citizens propose a HEREDITARY CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHY; but, however good that may be in itself, the most important point to discover is, whether or not the people are prepared for it. It is thought, again, by others, that we shall be able to go on for a generation or two, in a new confederacy, with additional safeguards; such, for instance, as an Executive for life, a vastly restricted suffrage, Senators elected for life, or for a long period, say twenty-one years, and the most popular branch of the assembly elected for seven years, the judiciary absolutely independent, and for life, or good behavior. The frequency of elections, and the universality of suffrage, with the attendant arousing of the people's passions, and the necessary

sequence of demagogues being elevated to high station, are thought by many to be the great causes of trouble among us. "We throw out these suggestions that the people may think of them, and act as their interests require. Our own opinion is, that the South might be the greatest nation on the earth, and might maintain, on the basis of African slavery, not only a splendid government, but a secure republican government. But still our fears are that through anarchy we shall reach the despotism of military chieftains, and finally be raised again to a monarchy." ." 1.

"LET US REASON TOGETHER. — Permit a humble individual to lay before you a few thoughts that are burnt into his heart of hearts by their very truth.

"The first great thought is this: The institution known as the Federal Government,' established by the people of the United States of America, is a failure. This is a fact which cannot be gainsayed. It has never been in the power of the 'Federal Government' to enforce all its own laws within its own territory; it has, therefore, been measurably a failure from the beginning; but its first convincing evidence of weakness was in allowing one branch of its organization to pass an unconstitutional law (the Missouri Compromise). Its next evidence of decrepitude was its inability to enforce a constitutional law, (the fugitive-slave law,) the whole fabric being shaken to its foundation by the only attempt of enforcement made by its chief officer (President Pierce). I need not enlarge in this direction. The Federal Government' is a failure.

"What then? The States, of course, revert to their original position, each sovereign within itself. There can be no other just conclusion. This, then, being our position, the question for sober, thinking, earnest men is, what shall we do for the future? I take it for granted that no man in his senses would advocate the remaining in so many petty sovereignties. We should be worse than Mexicanized by 1 Augusta (Georgia) Chronicle and Sentinel, Dec. 8, 1860.

that process. What, then, shall we do? In the first place, I would say, let us look around and see if there is a government of an enlightened nation that has not yet proven a failure, but which is now, and has ever been, productive of happiness to all its law-abiding people. If such a government can be found - a government whose first and only object is the good, the REAL GOOD (not fancied good, an ignis fatuus which I fear both our fathers and ourselves have too much run after in this country) of all its people, if such a government exists, let us examine it carefully; if it has apparent errors, (as what human institution has not?) let us avoid them. Its beneficial arrangements let us adopt. Let us not be turned aside by its name, nor be lured by its pretensions. Try it by its works, and adopt or condemn it by its fruits. No more experiments. 'I speak as to wise men; judge ye what I say.'

"I am one of a few who ever dared to think that republicanism was a failure from its inception, and I have never shrunk from giving my opinion when it was worth while. I have never wished to see this Union disrupted; but if it must be, then I raise my voice for a return to a


"COLUMBIA, South Carolina, December 5, 1860. "Yesterday the debate in the House of Representatives was unusually warm. The parties arrayed against each other in the matter of organizing an army, and the manner of appointing the commanding officers, used scathing language, and debate ran high throughout the session. So far as I am able to judge, both the opposing parties are led on by bitter prejudices. The Joint Military Committee, with two or three exceptions, have pertinaciously clung to the idea that a standing army of paid volunteers, to be raised at once, to have the power of choosing their officers, up to captain, and to require all above to be appointed by the 1 Columbus (Georgia) Times.

Governor, is the organization for the times. Mr. Cunningham, of the House, who is put forward by the committee to take all the responsibility of extreme sentiments, has openly avowed his hatred of democracy in the camp. He considered the common soldier as incapable of an elective choice. He and others of his party wage a bitter war against democracy, and indicate an utter want of faith in the ability of the people to make proper choice in elections. "The party opposed to this, the predominant party, is ostensibly led in the House by Mr. McGowan of Abbeville, and Mr. Moore of Anderson. These gentlemen have a hard fight of it. They represent the democratic sentiments of the rural districts, and are in opposition to the Charleston clique, who are urged on by Edward Rhett, Thomas Y. Simmons, and B. H. Rhett, Jr., of the Charleston Mercury.' The tendencies of these gentlemen are all towards a dictatorship, or monarchical form of government; at least it appears so to my mind, and I find myself not alone in the opinion. They fight heart and soul for an increase of gubernatorial power; and one of their number, as I have already stated, openly avows his desire to make the Governor a military chieftain, with sovereign power." 1

Mr. JOHNSON continued: Mr. President, I have merely called attention to these surface indications for the purpose of sustaining the assumption that even the people in the Southern States ought to consider what kind of government they are going to pass under, before they change the present one. We have been told that the present Constitution would be adopted by the new confederacy, and in a short time everything would be organized under it. But we find here other indications, and we are told from another quarter that another character of 1 Correspondence of the "Baltimore American."

government is preferable. We know that, North and South, there is a portion of our fellow-citizens who are opposed to a government based on the intelligence and will of the people. We know that power is always stealing from the many to the few. We know that it is always vigilant and on the alert; and now that we are in a revolution, and great changes are to be made, should we not, as faithful sentinels, as men who are made the guardians of the interests of the Government, look at these indications and call the attention of the country to them? Is it not better to

"bear those ills we have,

Than fly to others that we know not of"?

We see, by these indications, that it is contemplated to establish a monarchy. We see it announced that this Government has been a failure from the beginning. Now, in the midst of a revolution, while the people are confused, while chaos reigns, it is supposed by some that we can be induced to return to a constitutional or absolute monarchy. Who can tell that we may not have some Louis Napoleon among us, who may be ready to make a coup d'etat, and enthrone himself upon the rights and upon the liberties of the people? Who can tell what kind of government may grow up? Hence the importance, in advance, of considering maturely and deliberately before we give up the old one.

I repeat again that the people of Tennessee will

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