that, too, while all was fresh and green on his memory of the oppressions and outrages that had been committed by the British Government, under every pretence whatever, exercised this power six times during his eight years' administration.

Next, we come to Mr. Monroe; and, during his administration, it will be remembered that it was called "the era of good-will and conciliation of all parties"; who, it may be said, came into power almost without opposition, and under whose administration parties were almost merged, a man that no one will charge with possessing the first element of the tyrant or the despot, and of whom it might be said, that he was a war-hating and peace-loving man; he ventured to exercise this power once.

We then pass over Mr. J. Q. Adams's administration to that of Andrew Jackson; and, notwithstanding he has been denounced as arbitrary and tyrannical, that his will was iron and his nerves were steel, even he, in the use of this power, always exercised it in defence of the people's interests, and in resisting encroachments on their rights. By this man it was exercised nine times, and the people said, "Well done, thou good and faithful servant."

We will pass by the administration of Mr. Van Buren to that of John Tyler, called by some - but not by me-in derision, "the Accidency President," who exercised this power four times; and

under his administration is the only instance in which a law was passed over a veto, by two thirds of the two Houses of Congress, since the origin of the government, and that an unimportant law. Next comes Mr. Polk's administration, and since he came into power it has been exercised three times.

Thus it will be seen, that from the origin of the government to the present time this power has been exercised twenty-five times. The whole number of laws passed, from the organization of the government, and approved, is about seven thousand; which would make one veto to every two hundred and eighty acts, a very small proportion; and I think I may appeal with confidence to all those who are conversant with legislation here, whether it would not have been better for the people and the country if five thousand out of the seven thousand had been vetoed. I have been thus particular in giving the origin and exercise of the veto-power to prove, that whenever it has been exercised in compliance with the popular will, by a tribune or president, or by any other name you may think proper to give him, so that he is immediately responsible to the people, it operates well. And to show further, that whenever this power is retained in the hands of the people, men entertaining certain principles, without any regard to their party name, make war upon this power when at this end of the line; but whenever it is transferred to the other

end, and placed in the hands of irresponsible persons, they become its defenders and advocates. And this brings me up directly to one of the issues between the parties in this government.

By an examination of the Constitution, we find the veto-power lodged in another department of the government, as well as with the Executives; and that department is irresponsible to the people. I mean that the Judiciary, who are appointed to office during life, or, tantamount thereto, during good behavior, exercise the veto-power absolutely. They are men, and subject to all the prejudices and influences of other men, according to their construction of the Constitution. They can veto every act of Congress, after its approval by the President, and that veto is final. But against the exercise of this power by this department of the government the Federal party make no complaint; but think it a perfectly safe place for the lodgment of the power, as it is beyond the reach of the people; which will at once show to every reflecting and intelligent mind the sincerity of the Opposition in making war on the exercise of the veto-power, when exercised by that department of the Government immediately responsible to the people.

I cannot, Mr. Chairman, though pressed for time, dismiss the subject without noticing the figure or simile of the snag-boat used by the gentleman from Ohio. In this illustration he represents the Con

1 Mr. Schenck.

stitution as the Mississippi, and the veto-power as a "snag"; and he comes forward making great preparation with his snag-boat, throwing out his grappling-irons, raising the steam, the wheels revolving, determined to extract this principle, the veto, from the Constitution.

This is an illustration of what I have just before said, that where the people, either directly or indirectly, can exert their power through the Constitution by an officer chosen by themselves, the snagboat of Federal power is brought forward to tear it out by the roots. But I do not look upon the veto power as a "snag snag" on the Mississippi, to obstruct the navigation to our commerce; but as a breakwater, to use the figure, placed on the people's sea or Constitution, to arrest the mighty current of Federal power, heavily setting in, or to break the dashing waves of encroachments upon their liberties and their interests. The veto, as exercised by the Executives, is conservative, and enables the people, through their tribunitian officer, the President, to arrest or suspend for the time being unconstitutional, hasty, and improvident legislation, until the people, the sovereigns in this country, have time and opportunity to consider of its propriety. But the member from Ohio seems determined to tear out that portion of the Constitution where the people can be heard and felt.

But in that other department of government where they have no voice, they are compelled to

submit to its absolute exercise, unless they resort to a revolution or to an amendment of the Constitution.

For myself, I will take the instrument as it is handed down by Washington and his compeers; and if it is tyranny to exercise this power as it has been, -approved by every Republican President from Washington's inauguration down to the present time, not even excepting General Harrison, who was brought into power by the Whigs, out of that chaotic state of things which existed in 1840, I am willing to abide by it, and await the ultimate decision of the people on the subject. If the gentleman from Ohio could succeed with his Federal snag-boat in extracting the people's power, the veto, from the Constitution, the harmony of our beautiful though complex form of government would be lost, -the equilibrium would be gone, and some of the departments would absorb the others, or become liquids, and result in the concentration of all power in one department.

Time will not permit, if I were disposed and capable, of going into an analysis of the power of this Government. I have not the time to take it down and examine each element, and then set it up again. I must content myself with what I have hastily and crudely said, and pass on to the next proposition I propose to discuss.