Thus ended the attack upon Kortcha, which the Greeks claim was a civil uprising against the inclusion of the Province within the limits of independent Albania. Yet there is a conclusive proof that the attack was engineered and executed by officers and men of the Greek army operating in conjunction with the Greek bishop. The failure of this attack demonstrated the futility of the Greek argument that Kortcha is a Greek city, for the attack was repulsed by the civil population and not instigated by them. The failure to prove Kortcha a Greek Province by this means did not deter the Greeks from continuing their attacks, however, and for several months the Greek army hammered at the frontier, bombarding the whole Province from three sides with long-range guns. In the latter part of June a general attack began, and on July 6. 1914, the Albanians on account of lack of ammunition had to give up. Together with government officials 350,000 people fled for their lives, 50,000 crowded in Berat, a town of 15,000 population; a hundred thousand took refuge in Elbassan, and the rest wandered for a good while and then went for shelter under the olive trees of Vallona. It is impossible to depict the horrors which the Albanian people experienced at this time. Bodies of young women, who had been strangled to death and outraged by Greek soldiers were found in many places. Taking possession of Kodra, a village near Tepeleni, the Greeks invited all the villagers, men, women, and children to gather in the church. When all were assembled, 295 in number, the Greek officers ordered the soldiers to fire on them. All were killed; their heads cut down and hung on the church walls. Gen. De Wier, of the Dutch mission, went himself to this village, saw this terrible Greek cruelty, and took the picture of this horrible sight. Speaking of the work of destruction of the neighbors of Albania, the Hon. Aubrey Herbert, member of the British Parliament, says:

"It is my conviction that these people were systematically exterminated in various frontier areas of Alvania, by those who had sworn to befriend them. In addition to all her misfortunes, Albania has suffered this great calamity, that the world at large is ignorant of what is happening in that corner of the Balkans."

The claims of Greece to southern Albania, or Epirus, as they like to call it, rest on a hoary confusion. She has been throwing dust in the face of the civilized world for centuries by calling every "Orthodox Christian" Greek, defying the facts of the case. The majority of the population of the Albanian territory given to Greece by the London conference, as well as that of the region claimed by Greece at Paris, is Moslem Albania, while the Christian minority, though members of the "Orthodox Church," is Greek neither by race, language, or sentiment. Indeed, if they were Greek by feeling why did 350,000 of them flee before the Greek army when they illegally invaded southern Albania in 1914, just a few months before the outbreak of the European War, and went to starve under the olive trees of Vallona? If they were truly Greeks by feeling, why did the Greek army massacre so many of those who could not get away, and why did they devastate the whole country? The Christain inhabitants of southern Albania or Epirus are "Greeke" only in the sense that the Roumanians and the Slavs were Greeks a few decades ago, when they had the misfortune, too, of being under the jurisdiction of the "Orthodox Church" of Constantinople.

Generally speaking, the thoroughly non-Greek character of the Albanian territory given to Greece by the London conference, as well as that claimed by her at the peace conference under the name of Epirus, can be seen by the following_testimonies: Viscountess Strangford, traveling in 1863, states: "We started on June 1, intending to make Janina, the capital of southern Albania, out farthest point. As we had divided upon the plain into three or four different parts, the first thing to be done, when we reached Delvina, was to find each other; but this was not accomplished until we had wandered far and wide, loudly shouting and inquiring from every man, women, and child we could see. We were decidedly in difficulties, for it was the hour of the midday sleep and our inquiries were made in Greek, while the seeming answers were given in Albanian, neither party in the least understanding the other."

Mr. Mavromnatis, the Greek counsel at Scutari, writing in Akropolis, 30 years ago, states: "Ethnically Albania can be divided in five zones. First, southern Albania, which extends from the Greek frontier up to the Shkumbi River; second, central Albania, which extends from Shkumbi to Matti; third, northern Albania, which extends from Matti up to Montenegro; fourth, northeastern Albania, which embraces Novibazar, Prizrend, Frishtina, etc.; and fifth, western Macedonia, from the Ochrida and Prespa Lakes up to Monastir and Perlepe.

Considering specifically some of the most important towns of this region, we can say, first in regard to Janina. In the fifteenth century, when Janina was attacked by the Turks, its fortresses were defended by Albanians and not by Greeks. To this testified history, which says, that after Janina was besieged, 3,000 heads of Albania's inhabitants of Janina were used to make a pyramid of trophy. On the other hand, Janina is

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called by the best impartial authorities, the capital of southern Albania. Here were the headquarters of Ali Pasha of Tepeleni, the independent ruler of southern Albania, to whose court diplomatic representatives from England and France were accredited. In 1878 Greece begged Europe for a rectification of her northern boundary, but by the same assembly Janina was officially declared as belonging to Albania and so was left to her.

The great French counsel, Laurent Pouqueville, speaking about Arghirokastra, says "There are in Arghirokastra about 2,000 Moslem Albanian families. The bishop complained that there were only 60 Christian families thrown aside the plains out of town."

The report of the foreign representatives of Monastir vilayet and especially that of the Swedish chargé, for the reorganization of the Macedonian gendarmerie proves fully that the inhabitants of Kortcha, town and district, are purely of Albanian nationality. August Dozon, French consul and distinguished scholar visited Kortcha in 1875. In his report he says, in part, "The population of Kortcha is entirely Albanian."

The people of the district of Kortcha number 132,000 of which 100,000 are Moslem Albanis and 32,000 orthodox Christians, Albanians. The town of Kortcha itself has a population of 22,000, of whom there is but one resident Greek by nationality, the bishop, sent there by the patriarch to anathematize all those who refusing to call themselves Greek worked for the uplifting of their nation. But in spite of this ecclesiastical and school propaganda made during the Turkish régime with such great sacrifices by the Greek patriarch, the inhabitants of these districts have always conserved their national consciousness, as the rest of their fellow countrymen throughout the country, their language and their customs. Under the Turkish régime, when our nationality was denied to us, and when we were persecuted and imprisoned, Kortch. had the first Albanian schools, and always has been the center of gravity of the Albanian national aspirations, with its schools, papers, and societies. Kortcha is also the headquarters of the Albanian Orthodox League, whose purpose is to emancipate the orthodox Albanians from the yoke of the Greek clergy.

During the young Turkish règime, Kortcha has manifested anew its national aspirations by a meeting of 12,000 men held against the young Turk scheme of forcing the Albanians to write their language with the Arabic characters, instead of Latin. All the foreign consuls are witnesses of the spontaneous national manifestations as well as of the blood shed in the summer of 1911 by the young Christian Albanians, who fought for liberty. They also are witnesses of the firm stand of the people of Kortcha during the summer of 1914 and how stubborn they fought the Greek Army who attacked the place and like the Huns committed unspeakable atrocities with the purpose of forcing them to deny their nationality and claim union with Greece.

We are here not to ask that such and such a town or district be included within the boundaries of Albania. We have come here to beg your honorable members of the Foreign Relations Committee to see that a commission representing countries which have no personal interest in Albania be sent on the spot, see the conditions with their own eyes, and decide the fate of Chameria and the rest of the districts which are in dispute.

To mighty, just, and freedom-loving America we earnestly appeal for justice. We do not ask but that which is our own from time immemorial.

CHRISTO A. DATSO,

President and Representative of the Albanian National Party The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Erickson, I would like to ask one question What are the Albanians, ethnically? You speak of them as having been there before all these other races. What are they?

Mr. ERICKSON. Mr. Chairman, the ethnologists and anthropolo gists are not absolutely a unit as to the origin of the Albanians, but are practically so that they constitute a remnant of the Pelasgian race that built those great monoliths in the Balkans; that after the Pelasgian race came they were in three branches.

The CHAIRMAN. They are Aryans, then?

Mr. ERICKSON. Yes.

The Epirots, the Macedonians, and the Illyrians speak all the same tongue or branches of the same tongue.

The CHAIRMAN. Their language is of Aryan derivation.

Mr. ERICKSON. Yes; with a construction like the Latin.

Senator MOSES. Is the instruction at the school at Elbassan in the

Albanian language?

Mr. ERICKSON. No; in Albania there had been no schools where Albanian instruction had been permitted; but it had been in Italian. The CHAIRMAN. The hearing is closed."

Senator KNOX. May I bring a matter up?

The CHAIRMAN. Certainly.

Senator KNOX. A few days ago two very prominent Persian citizens called on me to inform me of this state of facts that though Persia had been upon the list of those who are to be invited to join the league of nations yet that here very recently these Persian gentlemen only received information, within the past 10 days it appears, that Great Britain since the project of the league has been brought forth, has made a secret treaty with Persia in complete violation of her fundamental law and would substantially put the sovereignty of Persia in the hands of Great Britain. These gentlemen had possession of the material part of this treaty. I told them that it had not been the rule of this committee to hear foreigners upon that subject, but that they perhaps might be able to find an American citizen who was sufficiently interested in Persia to give us this information, which I think is highly important and highly interesting. They were fortunate enough to get Mr. Charles W. Russell, whom I have known intimately for several years. He was my assistant as Attorney General and was ambassador to Persia during the Taft administration. Mr. Russell is here and he says he does not want more than 25 or 30 minutes to present this matter and I think perhaps it would be more convenient to hear him now than at some other time.

The CHAIRMAN. To-day you mean?

Senator KNOX. I mean now.

The CHAIRMAN. Certainly. I will be very glad to if the committee desires.

Senator Knox. I move that Mr. Russell be heard for 30 minutes. The CHAIRMAN. All right. I will ask Senator Brandegee to preside. The committee meets at 10 o'clock to-morrow to hear a representation of Swedish American gentlemen in regard to the Aland Islands, and also to give 10 or 15 minutes to the representative of the Czecho-Slovaks in regard to what was said to-day.

STATEMENT OF MR. CHARLES WELLS RUSSELL.

Mr. RUSSELL. Mr. Chairman, Senator Knox has stated very correctly what I propose to discuss, and that is the treaty, or a supposed treaty, between Great Britain and the Persian Cabinet which actually turns over to Great Britain the total sovereignty, as I understand it, of Persia. That is to say it gives Great Britain control of the purse and the sword, which constitute the assurance

Senator SWANSON. You have a copy of the specific treaty?
Mr. RUSSELL. Yes, I have a copy.

Senator SWANSON. I have seen several magazine articles, but I have never seen a full copy of the treaty.

Mr. RUSSELL. I wish to read part of it.

Senator SWANSON. You will put the whole treaty in the record?

Senator MOSES. Will you please state the origin of the document? Mr. RUSSELL. The original of the document is signed by two Persians, S. Hassein Khan and Mohamed Ameen. S. Hassein Khan I know very well. He was formerly in the Persian Legation.

Senator SWANSON. Where did you get a copy of that? How do you know it is absolutely authentic?

Mr. RUSSELL. I know the facts to be true.

Senator SWANSON. How do you know that that specific treaty is authentic? What is it published in?

Mr. RUSSELL. It is not published at all. I got it confidentially, and I do not feel warranted in telling how I got it. I can assure you, however, it is authentic.

Senator SWANSON. That is a copy of the original treaty?

Mr. RUSSELL. Yes, sir.

Senator SWANSON. With no modification?

Mr. RUSSELL. No, sir.

Senator SWANSON. And you are satisfied that the treaty was entered into?

Mr. RUSSELL. I am satisfied.

Senator BRANDEGEE. Let me ask if that has been made public by Great Britain?

Mr. RUSSELL. I do not think it has.

Senator BRANDEGEE. It is a secret treaty, then, is it?

Mr. RUSSELL. It is not a secret treaty. It could not be kept secret through the subject matter of it.

Senator BRANDEGEE. I mean it is secret in the sense that it has not been published by either of the parties.

Mr. RUSSELL. I think so, Senator.

Senator SWANSON. There is an election going on in Persia now that will elect a parliament that will ratify it.

Mr. RUSSELL. It will never ratify it.

Senator SWANSON. But to decide whether it is to be ratified.

Mr. RUSSELL. But there is no intention to ratify it before putting it in effect.

Senator NEW. When was this negotiated? What is the date of it! Mr. RUSSELL. It is only very recent. It was only a few days ago that the news of it had arrived, and it must be very recent. I do not know the exact date.

Senator BRANDEGEE. Does the treaty itself provide that in order to be valid it must be ratified by the parliament?

Mr. RUSSELL. No, sir; I do not think it does.

Senator SWANSON. The constitution of Persia requires that, does it not?

Mr. RUSSELL. The constitution of Persia requires that.

Senator NEW. Requires ratification by the Persian Parliament ? Mr. RUSSELL. Yes.

Senator MOSES. The constitution of China requires similar ratificaThe Shantung treaty went into effect without that.

Lion.

Mr. RUSSELL. This will also, probably.

Senator BRANDEGEE. Does the constitution of Persia provide that they can convey the property of Persia to any other nation ?

Mr. RUSSELL. Unquestionably not, sir, and that is the point that I wish to make. Neither the parliament nor the executive could make such a treaty, nor both together. I can quote the constitution here.

Senator SWANSON. That has been discussed in the September magazines, I think in several of them. The magazines of the September issues have discussions of that treaty, but none of them had a copy of it. The reason I was anxious to know was whether you are satisfied that this was an authentic treaty.

Mr. RUSSELL. I think if you will let me read some of it, it sounds like an authentic treaty. [Reading:]

It is hereby agreed by the Persian Government on the one hand and his Britannic Majesty's minister acting on behalf of his Government on the other hand, as follows: 1. The British Government reiterates in the most categorical manner the undertakings which they have repeatedly given in the past to respect absolutely the independence and integrity of Persia.

Senator KNOX. They all begin that way.

Mr. RUSSELL (reading):

2. The British Government will supply, at the cost of the Persian Government, the services of whatever expert advisers may, after a consultation between the two Governments, be considered necessary for the several departments of the Persian administration. These advisers shall be engaged on contracts and endowed with adequate powers, the nature of which shall be a matter of agreement between the Persian Government and the advisers.

3. The British Government will supply, at the cost of the Persian Government, such officers and such munitions and equipment of modern type as may be adjudged necessary by a joint commission of military experts, British and Persian, which shall be assembled forthwith for the purpose of estimating the needs of Persia in respect to the formation of the uniform force which the Persian Government purposes to create for the establishment and preservation of order in the country and its frontiers.

4. For the purpose of financiering the reforms indicated in clauses two and three of this agreement the British Government offers to provide or arrange a substantial loan for the Government of Persia for which adequate security shall be sought by the two Governments in consulation, in the revenues of the customs or other sources of income at the disposal of the Persian Government. Pending completion of negotiations for such a loan the British Government will supply on account of it such funds as may be needed for initiating the salient features of reforms.

5. The British Government, fully recognizing the urgent need which exists for the improvement of communications in Persia, both with a view to the extension of trade and the prevention of famine, is required (?) to cooperate with the Persian Government for the encouragement of Anglo-Persian forms of transport; subject always to the examination of the problems by experts and to agreement between the two Governments as to the particular projects which may be most necessary, practicable, and profitable.

6. The two Governments agree to the appointment forthwith of a joint committee of experts for the examination and revision of the existing customs tariff with a view to its reconstruction on a basis calculated to accord with the legitimate interests of the country and to promote its prosperity.

Now, then, I wish to show the animus of this.

Senator SWANSON. Is that all the treaty?

Mr. RUSSELL. That is all I know of. I think that is all, sir. The signature is not here.

Senator KNOX. It is all on this subject.

Mr. RUSSELL. I think it is all the treaty.

Senator BRANDEGEE. Will you let me ask a question there.

I saw in the papers the other day that the Shah of Persia was coming to this country. There is a Shah of Persia at present, is there not? Mr. RUSSELL. Yes; there is.

Senator BRANDEGEE. How does the cabinet of Persia make this treaty instead of the Shah?

Mr. RUSSELL. Under the constitution the Shah has no responsibility.

Senator BRANDEGEE. He is not a party to it in any way?
Mr. RUSSELL. Legally, not.