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different proposition. Now we do not know what is in this agreement spoken of here, and we do not know what might he in secret agreements. I have an article here in the Century Magazine, where the writer says there are six agreements hetween Great Britain, France, and Italy respecting these eastern countries.

Senator Johnson of California. Who is the author?

Mr. Folk. This is written by Herbert Adams Gibbons. He discusses article 23 of the covenant.

The Chairman. Mr. Gibbons has sent to the committee and asked to lay a mass of papers before them in regard to Egypt, which I think you have covered.

Senator Moses. You feel certain about this provisional agreement!

Mr. Folk. What provisional agreement?

Senator Moses. That you have been telling us about, for the disposition of overseas possessions.

Mr. Folk. I do not know anything about it. I have never seen it, but I merely called your attention to the clause in the answer of the President to Senator Fall's question 13. I asked if you had not seen this provisional agreement, and whether it included Egypt or not. The chairman says he has not seen it. He does not know that he will see it.

Senator Harding. The President says there is such an agreement t

Mr. Folk. To use his exact language again [reading]:

There has been a provisional agreement as to the disposition of these overseas pnesessions whose confirmation and execution is dependent on the approval of the league of nations, and the United States is a party to that provisional agreement.

Senator Moses. What date is that?

Mr. Folk. August 21.

Senator Moses. What is the date of the President's statement, in the paper of August 21?

Mr. Folk. His statement is dated August 21, and is published in the afternoon papers of August 21.

Senator Moses. 1 call your attention in that connection, Gov. Foli, to the stenographic report of the meeting held at the White House. Tuesday, August 19. Toward the conclusion of it 1 spoke to the President about our taking only an undivided one-fifth part of the German overseas possessions, and asked him if there had been any plan made for the disposition of those overseas possessions, and he said, "I have not thought about that at all." I then asked him:

You have no plans to suggest or recommendation to make to Congress?

And he answered:

Not yet, sir; I am waiting until the treaty is disposed of.

And yet the next day or two days after, he makes the statement which you read, that the United States is a party to a provisional agreement for the disposition of the overseas possessions.

Mr. Folk. Of course I am not here to discuss the answers of the President except in so far as he has mentioned a provisional agm1ment, and to ask if that provisional agreement covers tho case of Egypt, and if it does, whether wo would not be in this position. a.* Soiiator Lodge has intimated, the membors of the Supremo Court might go outside and agree on how they will decide a case, subjw't merely to entering it up when they get on tho bench, and then ask for an argument. The litigant would have very little show. But I assume that the character of the contracts the President is speaking of is of a different nature. I assume that. I can not helieve that he would have made a contract giving away these countries contrary to principles in the covenant.

The Chairman. Governor, do you regard the council of the league of nations as a judicial body?

Mr. Folk. If it is not judicial, then God help them.

Senator Moses. Mr. Chairman, my only purpose in calling attention to this is to show the tremendous contradictions which are involved in all our attempts to get any information as to what has been done, and what stipulations we are bound by in all these numerous treaties and secret treaties and other documents which have been made.

Mr. Folk. Of course you have to see the treaty made with Turkey to see what has been done with Turkish territory. That is, I understand, to be turned over to Great Britain. Of course you want to see these agreements before you can decide.

The Chairman. Yes; they are closely bound together.

(Thereupon, at 12.05 o'clock p. m., the committee adjourned to meet to-morrow, Tuesday, August 26, at 10.30 o'clock a. m., in executive session.)

(The following letters from Mr. Folk were subsequently ordered printed in the record:)

August 30, 1919. Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge,

Chairman Foreign Relations Committee,

United Stales Senate.

(In the case of Egypt.)

Dear Mr. Chairman: The status of Egypt which has arisen out of the war just closing becomes properly a subject to be considered in any general treaty that may te made. Supplementing what I said to your honorable committee the other day and epitomizing the relief then asked for in behalf of the Egyptian commission, in the alternative, the first relief being the most desirable, the second the next, and the third next, that relief expressed in the alternative form is as follows:

1. Amend by inserting a new clause after section 6, article 147, to be known as article 147-A. to read as follows:

"The independence of Egypt is hereby recognized, and the British Government »ill withdraw the British troops from Egypt within one year from the effective date of this treaty."


2. Amend by inserting a new clause after section 6, article 147, to be known as article 147-A. to read as follows;

"The protectorate proclaimed by Great Britain over Egypt is hereby declared to be temporarv, and this protectorate shall in no wise interfere with the independence of Egypt, which is hereoy declared to be free to enter into diplomatic relations with other nations."


3. Amend by inserting a new clause after section 6, article 147, to be known as srticle 147-A to read as follows:

'The status of Egypt is hereby declared to be a matter within the jurisdiction of the council of the league of nations, and shall not be considered an internal question of Great Britain."

In behalf of the Egyptian commission appointed by the I/eeislative Assembly of Egypt, consideration of your committee is asked for the relief above prayed for in the bope that Egypt uiav be accorded that self-determination for which the Egyptian tp-x-ps fought and which has so far been denied. Respectfully,

Jos. \V. Folk. Counsel for the Commission Appointed by the f.egisla'ire Assembly of hgypl.

August 31, 1919. Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge.

Chairman Foreign Relations Committee, United Stoles Senate,

Washington, l>. ('.
In the case of Egypt.

Df.au Mr. Chairman: In behalf of the commission appointed bv the I.ovcislati> e Assembly of Egypt, I call your attention further to article 152, section (i, of the Versailles treaty. The first clause of this article reads as follows:

"Germany consents, in so far as «he is concerned, to the transfer to his Britannic Majesty's Government of the powers conferred on his Imperial Majesty the Sultan, by the convention signed at Constantinople on October 29, 1888, relating to the free navigation of 1he Suez ('una!."

This may mean almost anything from the transfer of the territorial sovereignty in the Suez Canal to the transfer of sovereignty in Egypt. The convention signed at Constantinople on October 29, 1888, is to be found in the Congressional Library (T C. 791, G. 77). Sections 12 and 13 of this convention apparently recognize the territorial sovereignty of the Sultan of Turkey in the Sue/, Canal. There appear to be no specific powers conferred upon the Sultan other than the sovereign rights.

For reasons heretofore given, we ask that the words " His Britannic Majesty's Government" be stricken from the paragraph in question and that the words "the Egyptian Government" be substituted therefor. Very truly,

Jos. W. Folk

Thttbsday, August 28, 1919.

United States Senate, Committee On Foreign Eelations,

Washington, D. G.

The committee met, pursuant to the call of the chairman, at 10.30 o'clock a. m., in room 246, Senate Office Building, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge presiding.

Present: Senators Lodge (chairman), Brandegee, Knox, Harding, New, and Moses.

The Chairman. The hour having arrived, and our time being short, I will ask these gentlemen who have come here to proceed. I want to say this, that the committee gives this hearing on matters relating to the treaty and for nothing else excepting matters relating to the treaty, and there is nothing else before this committee. The time of the committee is limited. We can not sit beyond 12 o'clock. I have here the list which has been handed to me, and I understand that 45 minutes are to be given to the Equal Rights League and 45 minutes to the disposition of the German-African colony. We will hear those for the Equal Rights League first.


The Chairman. I understand the Equal Rights League proposes an amendment to the treaty; is that correct?

Mr. Trotter. That is correct. Do you object to that amendment to the treaty being in the form of an amendment to an article, or Part I of the treaty?

The Chairman. If you have an amendment to offer to the treaty, of course you can offer it at any point.

Mr. Trotter. We have two propositions, because we wanted to be in accord with the wishes of the committee as to whether we should offer it to Part I or Part II. In fact, we would like, if it is in order, Mr. Chairman, to offer two amendments, either one of which would be satisfactory to the league. Is that in order?

The Chairman. Certainly. Are these the amendments offered in Paris on equal rights?

Mr. Trotter. They are similar.

The Chairman. On what was called " race equality" there?

Mr. Trotter. Yes; and protection of racial minorities.

Senator Moses. You are a former Register of the Treasury?

Mr. Trotter. No, sir. My father was recorder of deeds in the District of Columbia.

The Chairman. Continue, Mr. Trotter.

Mr. Trotter. This World War was fought for a great human principle. The chief officials of this country announced from the housetops that the purpose of the war was to procure universal security of life and the protection of the weak from the strong.

When the United States for the first time in its nistory went to Europe for an offensive war, the welkin rang with the official clarion call, "We are fighting for universal liberty, for world democracy. for humanity everywhere," and the banners bearing these mottoes filled the heavens.

Every part of the executive branch of the Government that had to do with furthering, prosecuting, or aiding the war and all semiofficial civilian agencies used these slogans freely and fully in seeking to further the cause of this world war.

Furthermore, no branch of the Government and no officials or functionaries of the Government of any consequence ever raised any objection, or ever questioned the right of the peace magistrates of the country in declaring world democracy, universal liberty, universal humanity, as being the official and accepted purposes of the war.

Not only that, but the other allied nations accepted the President of the United States as the official spokesman, and their prime ministers and leaders adopted the same purposes as the object of the world war. It was said on every hand by the magistrates of those countries, by the constituted authorities of those countries, and by the newspaper organs of those countries that if the forces that "were fighting Germany won the victory we should have the establishment of a new order of things for the betterment of the condition of the individual, and especially for the rights of the weaker peoples. Therefore, Mr. Chairman, the Equal Rights League feels that it b fit and proper, and that it is imperative, in order that the purposes of this war may not fail of fulfillment, in order that those who died on the field of battle—and among them were soldiers of every race and color—may not have died in vain in the great struggle, and ir. order that we may truly have now the reign of world democracy and of universal liberty, that there should be an amendment to the "peace treaty as it has come from the conference at Paris. To that end the Equal Eights League desires to submit two amendments for your consideration, as follows. [Reading:]


The section referred to reads as follows:

"The members of the league undertake to secure just treatment of the native inhabitants of territories under their control."

The petitioners (the National Equal Rights League), representing and voicing the sentiments of the 14,000,000 colored Americans, earnestly hope and fervently pray that your honorable committee will give to the amendment (which «•* herewith offer to be incorporated in the peace treaty) the distinguished consideration which has characterized your dealing with the momentous subject Your petitioners (the National Equal Rights League), profoundly grateful. Mr. Chairman, for this opportunity to be heard for their cause, in urging the consideration and adoption of this amendment, are pleading for the life. liberty, and labor of 14,000,000 colored Americans.

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