AMENDMENT.

In Article 23, section B, of part 1, after the word "control" add the following words: "And agree to vouchsafe to their own citizens the possession of full liberty, rights of democracy, and protection of life, without restriction or distinction based on race, color, creed, or previous condition."

In lieu thereof, if that be rejected, the following is offered as Part XVI.

The CHAIRMAN. Part XVI of article 1?

Mr. TROTTER. No; to be added to the treaty at the end of it.
Senator KNOX. The last part is XV.

Mr. TROTTER. This is to be a new part.

[Reading:]

AMENDMENT TO THE PEACE TREATY, PART XVI, OFFERED BY THE NATIONAL EQUAL RIGHTS LEAGUE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

In order to make the reign of peace universal and lasting, and to make the fruits of the war effective in the permanent establishment of true democracy everywhere, the allied and associated powers undertake, each in its own country, to assure full and complete protection of life and liberty to all their inhabitants, without distinction of birth, nationality, language, race, or religion, and agree that all their citizens, respectively, shall be equal before the law and shall enjoy the same civil and political rights without distinction as to race, language, or religion, and all citizens of the members of the league who belong to racial or religious minorities differing in race or religion from the majority of the population shall enjoy the same treatment and same security in law and in fact as all persons of the majority race or religion.

Senator KNOX. Does this mean in their own country or in all countries?

Mr. TROTTER. This is for each one of the allied and associated powers to guarantee these things for their own citizens in their own. country.

Senator Knox. Not for citizens of other countries?

Mr. TROTTER. Not for the citizens of other countries.

Mr. Chairman, I think it is hardly necessary to go into the question of the great need of the protection of life and of equality of rights for the colored American minority. In the treaty with Austria, in the treaty with Poland, and with other countries there are clauses similar to this, for the protection of the racial minorities, adopted by the peace conference. There are none of those racial minorities who suffer the denials of democracy and the insecurity of life and liberty which are suffered by the colored American minority in this country; and we beg of the committee that they will adopt one or the other of these amendments, in order that the terrible condition, the deplorable condition, the cruel condition that exists in this country for colored Americans, 98 per cent of whom are native-born citizens, shall be discontinued, and that they, with all other nations on the earth, shall come into the enjoyment of full democracy, of full equality of rights, of full liberty, of full protection of life, and that they may have a chance for the pursuit of happiness.

The CHAIRMAN. The next name which you have given us here is that of Mr. Allen W. Whaley, of New York.

Mr. TROTTER. Yes.

STATEMENT OF MR. ALLEN W. WHALEY.

Mr. WHALEY. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Foreign Relations Committee of the United States Senate, it would seem that my colleague has said sufficient upon this subject, and I simply want to emphasize the justice, practicability, and absolute necessity for an amendment of this kind if the purposes for which we fought in France and elsewhere were true.

I think the first reason why this amendment to the constitution of the league of nations should be written into that constitution is the gratitude that these signatory powers should show to those people who sustained them in the hour of dire distress; for without those black soldiers from all parts of the world helping England. helping France, and helping the United States, the outcome would have been doubtful. That statement has been made by many a critic. and I think everybody who is just will say so. I speak for AfroAmericans. I am not hyphenating the black man, because he is a real American. Most of the white Americans who are here can be hyphenated, but the black American can not be. He came here against his will in 1619, and just a little before that according to critical history, and he has been here ever since, and there has not been much immigration either, but he is here in much larger numbers than it was expected perhaps that he would be at this time.

In order that the United States may obliterate some of the disgrace which has been brought upon it by the maltreatment of the most loyal section of its citizenry, I think they should joyfully adopt this amendment to the constitution of the league and encourage the hearts of 15,000,000 Afro-Americans.

I think that this would be a sign that the country wants to put down mob violence and put down the lynching of black men, and black women, and black children in the Southland. I think that this would be a sign that she wants the escutcheon of America to be without a tarnish. The escutcheon of this country has been a reproach throughout the land on account of the awful, horrible treatment of black Americans here. And this adoption would show that the people who think well and the people who believe well mean business.

This is an age of reconstruction. Mr. Lloyd-George said that what is settled by the peace conference is settled in some particulars forever, and he said if not forever it will be for a long time, for an indefinite time to come, and that the peace conference was for the purpose of reconstructing the world, and that reconstruction was to be based upon fundamental justice. And just now the American Government in every way that it can should try to right all the wrongs of all the centuries toward the black American, because, of course, the black American has already given notice that what he suffered in the past he will not tolerate in the future. He means business now. There can be no compromise. They are going to hang the traitors among them and they are going to see that the right men and the right women are in front, and the battle is going to be fought for human liberty and for human rights.

The Declaration of Independence meant something to the white Americans, but it did not mean anything to the colored Americans.

Sixth. We are the victims in many States, as consequence of the foregoing ivil and political proscriptions of imposition, robbery, ravishing, mob violence, murder, and massacres, because of our race and color, denied protection of police, of sheriffs; denied trial by court and jury, rendered impotent to protect our daughters, wives, or mothers from violation by white men or murder by he mob.

All these conditions, thus declared by the National Colored Liberty Congress, assembled at Washington, and presented to the Congress by the present Speaker of the House of Representatives, are still facts.

We quote further from the same Record: "Our President, Woodrow Wilson, now the moral leader and spokesman of the allied nations who are resisting German aggression, having officially declared that our country has entered the fight for the purpose of democratizing the nations of the world and liberating free peoples everywhere'; that we are embarked upon an enterprise which is to release the spirits of the world from bondage'; that we are 'fighting for the rights of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own govrnment,' to make the world at last free,' for 'security for life and liberty,' to make the world safe for democracy.''

To this add President Wilson's message to his country when the war was won: "The armistice was signed this morning. Everything for which America fought has been accomplished. It will now be our fortunate duty to assist by example, by sober, friendly counsel, and by material aid in the establishment of just democracy throughout the world," with his words to the French nation in January, 1919:

"America in coming into this war thought that all the world had now become conscious that there was a single cause of justice and of liberty for men of every kind and place."

Add, also, the words in the message of congratulation to President Wilson on the victory won by the Prime Minister of Great Britain:

"I feel sure that at the peace conference we shall be able to cooperate faithfully to promote the reign of peace, with liberty and true democracy throughout the world."

Then add the noble words of the Premier of France, Monsieur Clemenceau, to President Wilson on Memorial Day for the dead soldiers:

"Those sons of America who succumbed in our common battle for justice and for right repose in our fields where the liberty of the world was won." Oh, honorable plenipotentiaries of an agreement for democracy for all, shut not your eyes to this awful disgrace of democracy.

Honorable commissioners of perpetual peace, imagine not that with such a scandal on humanity untouched your peace is just or will endure. There will be no peace secure until the color line in rights is effaced.

Hear ye our petition that the same protection of equal rights and life for the ethnical minorities which you require for the Jews in vanquished Austria and restored Poland you agree in your compact and league of nations shall be vouchsafed to the citizens respectively of the allied and associated powers. For so long as a woman advanced in holy pregnancy can be hung with Impunity, by her heels, to the limb of a tree by the mob, her abdomen ripped open, and the head of the babe crushed under heels of the lynchers, as suffered the late Mary Turner, in Georgia, in the last year of this world war, the world as not been made a "fit place to live in," nor has frightfulness vanished from arth with the Prussian empire.

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STATEMENT OF MR. ALLEN W. WHALEY.

Mr. WHALEY. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Foreign Relations Committee of the United States Senate, it would seem that my colleague has said sufficient upon this subject, and I simply want to emphasize the justice, practicability, and absolute necessity for an amendment of this kind if the purposes for which we fought in France and elsewhere were true.

I think the first reason why this amendment to the constitution of the league of nations should be written into that constitution is the gratitude that these signatory powers should show to those people who sustained them in the hour of dire distress; for without those black soldiers from all parts of the world helping England, helping France, and helping the United States, the outcome would have been doubtful. That statement has been made by many a critic, and I think everybody who is just will say so. I speak for AfroAmericans. I am not hyphenating the black man, because he is a real American. Most of the white Americans who are here can be hyphenated, but the black American can not be. He came here against his will in 1619, and just a little before that according to critical history, and he has been here ever since, and there has not been much immigration either, but he is here in much larger numbers than it was expected perhaps that he would be at this time.

In order that the United States may obliterate some of the disgrace which has been brought upon it by the maltreatment of the most loyal section of its citizenry, I think they should joyfully adopt this amendment to the constitution of the league and encourage the hearts of 15,000,000 Afro-Americans.

I think that this would be a sign that the country wants to put down mob violence and put down the lynching of black men, and black women, and black children in the Southland. I think that this would be a sign that she wants the escutcheon of America to be without a tarnish. The escutcheon of this country has been a reproach throughout the land on account of the awful, horrible treatment of black Americans here. And this adoption would show that the people who think well and the people who believe well mean business.

This is an age of reconstruction. Mr. Lloyd-George said that what is settled by the peace conference is settled in some particulars forever, and he said if not forever it will be for a long time, for an indefinite time to come, and that the peace conference was for the purpose of reconstructing the world, and that reconstruction was to be based upon fundamental justice. And just now the American Government in every way that it can should try to right all the wrongs of all the centuries toward the black American, because, of course, the black American has already given notice that what he suffered in the past he will not tolerate in the future. He means business now. There can be no compromise. They are going to hang the traitors among them and they are going to see that the right men and the right women are in front, and the battle is going to be fought for human liberty and for human rights.

The Declaration of Independence meant something to the white Americans, but it did not mean anything to the colored Americans.

They were not included in that masterful parchment, but they are going to strive to make the Declaration of Independence a significant document for every citizen that breathes under the Stars and Stripes. And also the three war amendments, the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amendments of the Constitution; we are going to have them effective in Mississippi as well as they are in Massachusetts. And I am sure that this amendment to the constitution of the league of nations would have a significance that would be an encouragement to our people everywhere.

I know I speak drastically, but with justice. We want in this country real justice, justice for all citizens, and we want our Constitution, beautiful as the language is, beautiful as the sentiments are, to be a real thing and not a mere sign of nothing.

We believe that this committee is willing to do what is right. I believe that this committee is hearing us to-day because it wants to know just what we want, and we are not representing only a few people here. We are representing 15,000,000 black Americans in the United States. You say, "Are there as many as that?" Oh, yes. We have done a little work in taking the census ourselves. We have not left it all to the United States Government. The Government has not found all the black people in this country. They never did get all of them. When the census was taken they were left out. I thank you.

STATEMENT OF MR. JOSEPH H. STEWART, WASHINGTON, D. C.

Mr. STEWART. Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the committee, the Equal Rights League in coming before you on these two propositions have an object that is not only beneficial in its effect in the United States, but it will benefit the world. We are endeavoring as far as we possibly can to prevent the occurrence in other countries of what we have in this country, what we call the race problem. Now the race problem in this country resolves itself into this. It is nothing more or less than this. It simply means that our object at least is for the production of justice between the white man and the black man, whenever and wherever they come in touch one with the other. That is the problem, to produce justice between these two men. And we want that problem-that is the point that we are advocating, and that is what we want enforced through those nations that signed the treaty of peace with the league of nations. We know perfectly well what troubles we have had in this country. There has been a great deal of confusion about this problem. They call it a negro problem. It is not a negro problem at all. It is a problem of effecting justice between white men and black men whenever they come in touch one with the other. And, Mr. Chairman, we urge upon the committee to take this matter under serious consideration, considering this, that that is the object of the Equal Rights League in this country, and we hope and pray that you will see fit, after due consideration of the matter, that you will annex either one of these amendments to the treaty of peace which is to be signed by the league of nations. I thank you.