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they had been confined. They were taken out of them the night before, we were advised, but we saw the underground cells in which they were kept in solitary confinement, and when we asked the question of the governor of the jail, or made the assertion at Mount Joy, he did not deny it. We heard the story at first hand of the statement of the women, young and old, those whom I met, and from whose lips I heard the story which I would not undertake in this presence to detail because of its loathsomeness. I heard that story from the lips of women as refined, as virtuous, as intellectual as your wife and daughter and mine, and I can pay them no higher compliment; and what I say is going on all through Ireland to-day.

Talk about bolshevists! Property is absolutely unsafe in Ireland. Raids are made on private residences and thousands of dollars" worth of property are being taken, and not even what they call contraband. Every excess that applies to an army engaged especially in an unjust war is being practiced upon the Irish people. Thousands of dollars of ordinary mercantile establishments are taken away. Everything is done to break the spirit of those people. Yet we are asked to show that at a time a commission is undertaking to establish peace they are trying to pass this covenant, intended, as they claim, to prevent war, while a state of war actually exists in Ireland and in other countries, and at this very time they refuse to listen to the Irish people.

We are here to state to you, gentlemen, that if this league in its present form is consented to by the Senate, 200,000 men, according to their own statement—because I speak only by what they say—stan-1 ready to-day before the world to bring America back to the ideal? which it has always preserved.

Judge Cohalan. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I will now ask Mr. Michael J. Ryan, of Philadelphia, another one of the commissioners, to come forward and tell his experiences in Paris.

STATEMENT OF MR. MICHAEL J. RYAN.

Senator Swanson. Mr. Ryan, before you begin, I think I should suggest to the other members of the committee that the Sergeant at Arms of the Senate has sent for us to come and make a quorum.

Senator Brandegee. Why, we have the permission of the Senate to sit during the sessions of the Senate.

Senator Swanson. Well, we can not break up a quorum.

Senator Brandegee. We have permission to sit here.

Senator Borah. Tell them to adjourn.

The Chairman. You may "proceed, Mr. Ryan.

Mr. Ryan. Mr. Chairman. I have been asked by the chairman of our conference to participate in a departure from our program upon which we agreed this morning. It was then contemplated that Mr. Walsh should speak, and then that the governor of New Hampshire and the lieutenant governor of Montana should be heard, and that the closing argument upon the legal propositions advanced by the committee should be made by Mr. Bourke Cockran, to whom I am sure it will be a delight for all of us to listen. I am asked merelv to rise for a moment and give an experience. I understand that some of you have asked that those who visited Paris should make » little statement.

We reached Paris—Mr. Walsh, Gov. Dunne, and myself—on the 12th or 13th of April. We immediately sought an interview with the President of the United States. We joined in a letter which appears as the first communication signed by the three of us, addressed to the President, asking for an interview. We set forth the purpose of our coming, to wit, that safe-conduct should be granted to Eamonn de Valera, the president of the Irish republic, Arthur Griffith, and George Noble, Count Plunkett, to Paris from Dublin, so that they might present the cause of Ireland. We have set it forth on page 2 of the document that is now filed with each of you. Some days afterwards, the President, through his secretary, caused a communication to be sent to Mr. Walsh, asking Mr. Walsh alone to visit him, which he did. We were then referred to Col. House, and our communications during my entire stay in Paris were with Col. House. I left Paris on the 24th of May, and I left when we learned the attitude, as will be discerned from the communication printed in the pamphlet to which I have heretofore referred, signed by Robert Lansing, in which he says:

I regret to Inform you that the American representatives feel that any further efforts on their part connected with this matter would be futile and, therefore, unwise.

Col. House I had never seen, nor had I read much of him. I belong to the party, as Senator Knox knows, of which President Wilson is the official head, and I confess that I was curious to meet the great Col. House. He undoubtedly treated us most splendidly, and he deserves all of the commendation given to him in respect to smoothness and velvetness of character, and I doubt whether we could at all find fault with the kindliness and courtesy extended to us by him.

I nave listened to a summary of the proceedings of the peace conference, and I would confirm that from our knowledge of that which took place in Paris, with this detail. I think we were all three informed by the chairman of the subcommittee, to whom was theoretically allotted the preparation of the league of nations draft, that the perfected instrument was handed to him with instructions to present it within 10 minutes.

Senator Fall. Who was that?

Mr. Ryan. I would rather not now state. I shall probably inform you later on in the day after a conference with our people.

Senator Fall. We would like to know.

Mr. Ryan. I am sure you would. And the draft was read. There was no debate upon it. After its reading, the first man to interrupt was the representative from Japan, who stated that it had been his intention to present the question of race equality, but that he waived it for the time without withdrawing it, or without being misunderstood as asserting it. The representatives of Belgium arose and stated that they had hoped in view of Belgium's sufferings that Brussels would have been selected as the permanent place of meeting rather than Geneva. Some representatives of the South American Republics rose up, and then Chairman Clemenceau stated that there being no further objections, the league of nations was adoDted. There was no roll call, and those of us who had heard of it, envied the skill with which it was handled and adopted, and we marveled at it all.

Senator Borah. Is there any difference between the steam roller in Paris and in the United States?

Mr. Ryan. No; we regarded it with admiration. Some of ns had had experience in Kansas City, in Chicago, and Philadelphia, and we thought that we had learned much in I* ranee which we might use profitably in America. At the last interview that I had together with my colleagues, with Col. House, the suggestion was made that we might present that which we had—our cause—to three of the American commissioners. We demurred. He then added that he would join in hearing us. We were jocular with him, and as I say. everything was exceedingly pleasant. He was most courteous, and we suggested and he joined in the suggestion, that it would be a great pleasure to listen to us upon the Irish question, that he could join three of his colleagues. There was a suggestion that we ought to have the President, and I am very positive that he said that the five commissioners had never met, the five American representatives had never met to consider any question. I mention these things hesitatingly, but at the urging of Judge Cohalan, with the thought that they might be makeweights in the scale, to show to you men the direct absence of consideration of the peoples pressing for hearings who sought to be resurrected into nations.

The interview which you have ordered to be printed, which took place with the President after I had gone, showed some of the reasons moving the President for his conduct, because he there asserts that it was agreed that no hearings should be given to any representatives of any small nations, without the consent of the entire Big Four. Of course unanimous consent could not be obtained. You Senators heard the cause of Egypt presented yesterday. It was to me a sad spectacle to see 20 men, magnificent in their manhood—for, being somewhat undersized myself. I look with admiration upon a 6-footer—treated in such fashion by the Paris conference. Of those 20 magnificent specimens of Egyptian manhood the chairman alone did not speak English. All of the others spoke many tongues, and it is curious that at least two of them, and I thinkperhaps three, spoke Gaelic, although neither Mr. Walsh. Mr. Dunne. nor Mr. Ryan speak a word of Gaelic. These men have been student* at various universities, and those of whom I speak specifically had studied medicine in Dublin. They were at Paris, gentlemen, able men, asking for a hearing, and a hearing was denied them.

Senator Brandegee. Do I understand you to say that you were informed by the President that no hearings could be had of the smaller nations except by the unanimous consent of the Big Four!

Mr. Ryan. I was not present, but I read the interview, which you have given permission to print, and that statement there appears.

Senator Brandegee. What I want to get at is this: Does thi< interview show whether the President stated whether he had mad* the request for unanimous consent that hearings be accorded them'

Mr. Ryan. I do not think so. I do not think he had made that request. In fact, I think you can see that from Mr. Lansing** letter, and upon the receipt of that letter I came to this country, believin; that our hope lay more in America than in Paris, He writer—■

Senator Brandegee. Who writes?

Mr. Ryan. Robert Lansing. This is a letter addressed to Hon. Frank P. "Walsh, and it appears on page 10 of the pamphlet to which I have heretofore referred. We addressed a letter to th<s President on May 22, 1919, asking that the communication which we inclosed be transmitted to Monsieur Clemenceau, president of the peace conference, which letter will be found on page 8 of the pamphlet heretofore referred to. I wish now to read the reply to that letter which is signed by Robert Lansing, and which appears, as I say, on page 10 of the pamphlet heretofore referred to. The letter is as follows:

American Commission To Negotiate Peace,

Hotel de Crillon, Paris, May 24, 1919.

Sm: I have received the letter which you and Messrs. Dunne and Ryan addressed to me on May 16 regarding the issuing of safe conducts by the British Government to Eanion de Valera. Arthur Griffith, and George Noble Connt Plunkett, in order that they may proceed from Ireland to France and return, and I immediately took steps to acquaint myself with the facts of the ease, which transpired before the matter was brought to my attention by your above-mentioned letter.

I am informed that when the question of approaching the British authorities with n view to procuring the safe conducts in question was first considered, every effort was made in an informal way to bring you into friendly touch with the British representatives here, although owing to the nature of the case it was not possible to treat the matter officially. The British authorities having consented that you and your colleagues should visit England and Ireland although yonr passports were only good for France, every facility was given to you to make the journey. Before your return to Paris, however, reports were received oi certain utterances made by you and your colleagues during your visit to Ireland. These utterances, whatever they may have been, gave, as I am informed, the deepest offense to those persons with whom you were seeking to deal and consequently it seemed useless to make any further effort in connection with the request whicli you desired to mnke. In view of the situation thus created. I regret to inform you that the American representatives feel that any further efforts on their part connected with this matter would be futile and therefore unwise.

I am. sir,

Your obedient servant,

Rohkrt Lansing.

In this correspondence you will find that my colleagues challenge the point that we had given utterance to any thought which gave offense to anyone. We went to Ireland at the request of the representatives of the Irish people and with the consent of Mr. LloydGeorge. Our passports were amended, mine and Mr. Walsh's, upon the application of the President of the United States. Gov. Dunne l.ad the additional distinction, appearing in the record, of his passport having been amended upon the application of the President and Mr. Lloyd-George. Why this signal honor was given to him I do not know. Probably the typewriter slipped up on the other two.

Senator Knox. Amended in what respect?

Mr. Ryan. In this respect. "We made application when we went to Europe for France alone, for Paris. We did not contemplate a visit to Ireland. When we readied there suggestions were made to ns of meetings and time was being lost, and in the meantime we were invited to go to Ireland. We then sought to have our passports changed, and they were changed forthwith, although the State Office said that such a thing had never happened, that it would take at least three weeks by cable to effect the change. Nevertheless, they were changed within an hour and a half and delivered to us; changed after that message had been received from the State Department. We did go to Ireland, and we saw the conditions detailed there. We visited all parts of Ireland.

At the request of the representatives of Lloyd-George, Gov. Dunne and I visited Belfast, at the request of Sir William Wiseman, the liaison officer between the two Governments. We visited all parti of Ireland, and the conditions portrayed by our chairman are exactly as portrayed. They present to different minds, of course, different phases, but you have a people there united to a degree unparalleled in their history. I have been connected with the Irish movement during all of my life. There has never been such unanimity among the Irish people, and there has never been such a unanimous desire for their recognition upon the part of the people of Irish blood in the United States. I do not care what official place men may hold, through whose veins flow Irish blood, when they seek to uphold this tyrannous production, then I say they fly in the face of the desires and the hopes of the Irish people. We are one in this matter as never before in our history. I never saw Ireland until I saw it in May of this year. They are a wondrous people, a kindly people, yearning, yearning for betterment. By every test that the President meted out, they have met the requirements. Under the forms of British law, 79 representatives are hostile to English rule out of an elected 101. Seventy-nine out of one hundred and one. Seventy-three of those seventy-nine were elected as ultrarepublicans, saying they would not sit in the British House of Commons if chosen, and upon that platform they were chosen. There was division among trie people, because large masses of them who are what are called nationalists still believed there was no hope for a republic. Therefore they didived their vote. Men there say that upon a plebescite. the nation, four to one at least, would vote for an Irish republic. All Provinces in Ireland are as one. For 30 years, may I call to the attention of Senators, every one of the four Provinces in Ireland has been a nationalist Province.

For 30 years 17 out of the 33 representatives from Ulster have been Nationalists. When men speak of this Ulster question and say that it indicates hostility to the aspirations of the rest of Ireland. they speak in ignorance of the history of Ulster. The best blood of Ulster, the people of Ulster, have been the radical revolutionists of Ireland. The united Irishmen who first proclaimed and sought the establishment of a republic—that movement was originated by the Ulster men, not Catholics, in 1792. The greatest name in Irish history, the one most loved, the one to whom the hearts of the people go out in greatest enthusiasm, was the founder of that organization, Theobald Wolfe Tone, the man who died in the rebellion of 1798 with the Ulster Protestants. And need I say to you that Robert Emmet was also a Protestant, though not an Ulster man. Those of you who walk along lower Broadway in New York City will see as you come up to Cortland street, at St. Paul's Church, two great monuments, higher than from floor to ceiling of this room, one telling of the life of the brother of Robert Emmet, the brother who, fleeing from imprisonment, sought refuge in New York and became its attorney general and one of the leaders of the American bar.

The other is a monument of like character to Dr. McNevin, who rose to the head of American physicians in the early days of the

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