gression. No one but knows that Ireland unaided can not throw off by force the yoke of British tyranny. But in one of two ways can the Irish republic be come de jure facto as it is now de facto. One is by its recognition by the United States and the effect of that being to compel its recognition by England, and the other is by revolution aided by outside power. Ireland to-day is an armesi camp. It is under a military despotism like unto that to which Belgium was subjected by Germany, and Egypt is now subjected by England, and Korea by Japan. If this league were joined in by this Nation, and Ireland sought to overthrow that power which now dominates her by military force and there was interference on her behalf by any other country so that the words "ex. ternal aggression came into effect, if England needed or asked our aid it would become our duty at once to give to her our military power to destroy Ireland's efforts at freedom. In other words, it is absolutely impossible for Ireland unaided to successfully revolt against English power. We would guarantee by this covenant that no foreign power could interfere on her behalf without knowing that this Nation would with her money and men take England's side of the conflict. That is the plain reading of the covenant.

However my own feeling, and as I said before, I believe the feeling is grow. ing enormously, is that in no circumstances and with no reservations or amendments, should we become signatory to the league. Not even if Ireland were independent, if she were a republic, and her territorial integrity and form of government guaranteed by this Nation, would it still be either just or wise for this Nation to become party thereto. That I say, in view of what we know to be the gross injustices and flagrant violation of the rights of subject peoples that have been perpetrated by at least two of the great signatory powers and that we would guarantee if we became party, and we know not what other secret arrangements have been made by which other peoples are plundered and their countries divided like the vultures plucked at the vitals of Prometheus Ireland would not want her liberty at the expense of the liberties of other p ples. The Senate alone stands between the people of this country and the Constitution of our Government, and those who would destroy the people and vio late the Constitution. Many of you gentlemen have made a magnificent fight against this league, and once again it becomes manifest that the people of this country must turn to the Republicans to save it from desecration and division.

No. 9.

STATEMENT OF DANIEL T. O'CONNELL, DIRECTOR OF THE IRISH NATIONAL BUREAU, WASHINGTON, D. C.

The wave of spontaneous support of the cause of Ireland that has swept America and finds voice at this hearing is convincing proof that the people of the United States demand that Ireland be free.

The teachings of Washington, Jefferson, Patrick Henry, John and Samue Adams, John Hancock, James Otis, and the patriots who founded the United States have not been forgotten. America is aroused in defense of the liberties the Revolutionary patriots won for the colonists, their descendants, and the millions of emigrants and their descendants who found under the Stars a Stripes protection from oppression and all the privileges of human liberties The league of nations treaty now before the Senate must be rejected It is the product of British scheming. If ratified it will destroy our most cherished traditions, and Ireland will be more fettered by British chains than ever before.

No. 10.

RESOLUTIONS OF IRISH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, EXPRESSING THANKS TO UNITED STATES SENATE.

Dr. Patrick McCartan, envoy of the republic of Ireland in the United States, August 25, 1919, handed to Vice President Marshall, as President of the Sen. *P, a parchment communication from the Dail Eirann (Irish national assen 25 expressing the thanks of the elected representatives of the Irish people for the recent action of the Senate in requesting the American commission to the pes❤

confrence to secure for President Eamon de Valera and his colleagues on the Irish republic's peace commission a hearing before the peace conference at Paris; and for the expression of the Senate's sympathy with the aspirations of the Irish people to govern themselves. The following is the text of the communication in full:

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,

Washington, D. C.

SIR: We have the honor to inform you that the subjoined resolution was unanimously adopted by the Dail Eriann in session assembled in the Mansion House, Dublin, on 17th June, 1919.

Accept, sir, the assurance of our high esteem.

ARTHUR GRIFFITH, Acting President.
SEAN O'CELLEAGH, Speaker.

"The duly elected representatives of Ireland assembled in legislative session in Dublin, this 17th day of June, 1919, before taking up the business of the day, desire to record their appreciation of the action of the Congress of the United States in behalf of Ireland, and in particular of the following resolutions adopted by the Senate of the United States:

"That the Senate of the United States earnestly requests the American peace commission at Versailles to endeavor to secure for Eamonn de Valera, Arthur Griffith, and George Noble Count Plunkett a hearing before the peace conference in order that they may present the case to Ireland.

"And, further, the Senate of the United States expresses its sympathy with the aspirations of the Irish people for a government of their own choice.' "It is therefore resolved, That the elected government of Ireland be, and is hereby directed to convey the thanks of the Irish nation to the Congress of the United States, to declare that the people of Ireland cherish no designs upon the rights of territories of other nations, but ardently seek to live in cordial peace with, and as one of, the free nations of the world; and to assure the people of America that the ties of blood and friendship which subsisted between both nations in the days of their subjection to one common oppressor have endured and are indissoluble."

No. 11.

STATEMENT OF HON. EUGENE F. KINKEAD, FORMER MEMBER OF CONGRESS AND FORMER MAJOR, UNITED STATES ARMY.

I appeal to the Senate not to accept any covenant which would prevent this Nation from following its time-honored traditions in giving aid to peoples striving for independence. The covenant, as framed, would keep Ireland, Egypt, India, Korea, and colonies in South Africa in bondage. To accept it would defeat the purpose for which we entered the World War and align us on the side of autocracy and against the right of peoples to determine for themselves the character of government under which they shall live. This right we concede to Germany. Shall we deny it to Ireland? We can only judge the future by the past, and our knowledge of the Government of Great Britain, as distinguished from its great people, should convince all fair-minded Americans that the adoption of article 10 of the covenant will rivet anew the chains on Ireland. Seventy-five years ago President John Tyler declared that he was no half-way man regarding Irish independence. To-day 75,000,000 Americans demand that the covenant that shall form the basis of any league of nations shall embody the same principle.

No 12.

STATEMENT OF KATHERINE HUGHES, SECRETARY IRISH NATIONAL BUREAU. MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE: In 1916 hero hearts in Ireland again rose in armed rebellion and proclaimed, "In the name of God and of the dead generations from which she receives her old traditions of nationhood," that Ireland had a God-given right to freedom.

They fell-Ireland's latest of hero rebels-but in the travail of 1916 the Re public of Ireland was born. This Republic lives to-day, as truly a Republic ts that of America in 1778, when its Congress, through its envoy, Franklin, pledesi itself to aid in the liberation of Ireland if her oppression by England continued This Republic of Ireland has to-day the recognition of but one State-that of Russia-as the American Republic in its infancy had only the recognition of France. The man who presides over the Congress of Ireland to-day was elected to that position by the unanimous vote of all the representatives of the Irish Congress, elected in their turn by the combined ballots of 75 per cent of the Irish Nation.

There is not in the world to-day a government more essentially "of the peo ple, by the people, and for the people" than that of the Irish Republic, yet if America ratifies the peace treaty with its component league of nations, guaran teeing the integrity of the British Empire as it exists in international day. America would be guilty of aiding to suppress this government of the Irish people; it would be throttling Ireland's heroic expression of self-determination made by ballot last December in the face of an English army of occupation; it would be reforging England's chains on Ireland by increasing the "right of might" which alone keeps her bound to-day.

On the other hand, if America rejects this league of nations and its sections buttressing British imperialism, America will be free to give official recognition to the government of the Irish republic and so make Ireland to-day in the eyes of the whole world an independent nation. This a free America can do without a drop of bloodshed and with only a passing protest from England, so lately America's associate in a war for democracy.

If, however, America ratifies this treaty and component league, she will not be free to act as liberator of this gallant little country, which is the motherland of 20,000,000 in America-not free to be liberator of Ireland, which was first to come to the aid of America in her struggle for liberty-not free to be liberate of Ireland, whose president even now is America's gift to Ireland, for Eam on de Valera was born under the folds of Old Glory.

This invaluable gift was renewed by America in 1916, when nothing but his American birth stood between Eamonn de Valera and the rifles of the exeutioners, who had taken the lives of his comrades in arms.

America has lately been associated in a great world war and has exchange views with many other States, but I can not believe that America has sacrifice or will sacrifice one iota of its historic principles of liberty and the rights of national freedom, which make America to-day the hope of oppressed peoples everywhere.

America is true to the America of the past, and America will, I firmly believe. soon give Eamonn de Valera to Ireland a third time-not as a child of desti nor as an imprisoned rebel, but as a victorious president. On that day America will not only give Ireland her president. She will also give to Ireland priceless gift of freedom. She will reestablish Ireland in the eyes of the worl as a sovereign nation.

No. 13.

STATEMENT OF MR. PATRICK J. LYNCH, OF INDIANAPOLIS, IND., CLERK OF THE SUPREME AND APPELLATE COURTS OF INDIANA.

Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, citizens of Irish blood are appearing before your committee in the earnest hope that out of the great world conflict recently ended there may come, as a part of the frui's of victory, a fulfillment of the great principle of self-determination for all 14tions, weak and small, as laid down by President Wilson.

Throughout all the annals of civilization there is no parallel of the ste fast and continuous courage shown by the Irish people for more than 7: years, cherishing without intermission the hope and national aspiration o that freedom for which they have so often fought. Racially the Irish a separate people; theirs is a national spirit; their country is their own 20! has been wrested from them only by the power of might, not upon the gre God-given principle of right.

At this time when the hopes and aspirations of all peoples, the world over, especially those long oppressed, is to gain their national freedom, and in t light of the charter enunciated by the President of the United States of a

right of all nations, great and small alike, to live under that form of government which they themselves want, and such hopes are being realized by younger nations, surely Ireland may, in truth and justice, ask that the centuries-long struggle in this dawn of the new era of making the world safe for democracy be ended forever.

No. 14.

JOINT STATEMENT OF REV. JOHN J. MORAN, OF YOUNGSTOWN, OHIO, AND CHARLES P. MOONEY, OF CLEVELAND, OHIO, REPORTING IN BEHALF OF THE STATE CONVENTION OF THE ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS OF OHIO.

GENTLEMEN OF THE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE:

Ireland has, by its recent vote at the last parliamentary election held in that country, given expression to its demand for complete independence and voiced its opposition to a union with Great Britain by a vote of 1,516,779 in favor of an Irish republic as against 308,713 votes in favor of the union. As the men who advocated complete separation had been leaders of the revolution of 1916, and most of them had just been released from British prisons, because of their part therein, they squarely raised the issue of complete separation in their campaign for election. There can be no question raised that the Irish people misunderstood the issue involved in that. election. It was an overwhelming majority of the people of Ireland expressing the right of self-determination and expressing their desire to establish an Irish republic and govern themselves.

Since that election, the executive officers have been elected and are now in a position to take over the government of that country and perform all of the functions of government so that the question of separation of Ireland from England is not one that may become a serious problem in the future. It is the present existing condition-a condition which has resulted in the occupation of Ireland by a large military force with all the paraphernalia of war. Large districts throughout Ireland have been occupied and the free movement of the people has been repressed in the same manner as the movements of the Belgians were repressed during the invasion of that country by Germany; in other words, Ireland to-day is in a condition of insurrection and England is using the same methods that were used by Germany when they occupied Belgium. The right of self-government of Ireland and the expression of the people for separation was supported by the American people as enunciated by our President that small nations desiring self-government and giving expression to that desire would have the protection of this great Republic in establishing a government suitable to their desires and wishes. The effect of article 10 of the covenant of the league of nations is to completely withdraw that promise of protection and to declare instead that we will not permit small nations, excepting such as were in possession of the enemy, to etablish and exercise the rights and functions of independent government.

The men who are fighting for the covenant of the league of nations as it now exists with article 10 included therein are as false to the principles under which we were asked to enter the war as a human being can be false to any principle, because in accepting article 10 we are doing the reverse of what we promised to do. You may ask what effect article 10 of the league of nations will have on Ireland. This question involves the present international status of Ireland as distinct from the wishes of the people as expressed in the last election. Under international law, Ireland is recognized as an integral part of the British Empire and I presume in considering article 10 you are bound to recognize her status as such. This being so, in adopting that part of article 10 which reads as follows:

"The high contracting parties undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all States members of the league. In case of any such aggression, or in case of any threat or danger of such aggression, the executive council shall advise upon the means by which the obligaton shall be fulfilled."

In other words, you are undertaking to pledge this Great Republic to continue Ireland as a part of the British Empire, and under article 11 you are placing in the hands of the countries party to this treaty, namely the United

States, Great Britain, Japan, France, and Italy, and such other countries as may become a party to the league, the power of determining for this body the necessity of entering into a war with any country that should attempt to assist the Irish people in their struggle for independence. This is not a possibility. as it has arisen in the history of Ireland in the last three centuries. In 100 Spain landed armed officers in Ireland for the purpose of assisting the Irish people in securing its independence. If there had been a league of nations at the time, the league under articles 10 and 11 would be obliged to come to the assistance of England, and had we, when we obtained our independence, become a party to such league of nations, we would have been obliged to enter into wat with France in 1798 when Napoleon sent Gen. Humbert with 6.000 men and landed in Killala Bay in Ireland for the purpose of assisting the Irish in sesir ing independence. International conditions may bring about a similar situation at any time.

The effect of article 10 is to take out of the hands of the Congress of the United States the power to declare war and to place it in the hands of the high contracting parties to this covenant. In other words, the adoption of the covenant of the league of nations is a surrender or an attempt to surrender the power to declare war which is vested in the Congress of the United State To my mind the insuperable obstacle of articles 10 and 11 is that he takes av: from Congress the power of making war and places it in the hands of a body other than the Congress of the United States. The granted power to Chogress by the States to declare war is a delegated one and is limited to the power expressly granted for such powers as may be necessarily implied from the granted power. The declaration in article 1, section 7, of our Constitution is, "The Congress shall hove power, among other things, to declare war."

This section does not say that this body shall have power to delegate the right to declare war to any other body. This can be done only by a constitu tional amendment. An amendment transferring the power to declare war from Congress and give it to the high contracting parties in the league nations.

I am here first as an American citizen to protest against the adoption of the league of nations; as an American citizen, a citizen of the State of Ohio and an accredited representative of the Ancient Order of Hibernians of Ohio, not only on the ground that such action would be unconstitutional, but on the larger ground that it is wholly immoral for this country, the leading Reputāc in the world, to endeavor to enter into an agreement which has for its object the repression of the rights of a liberty-loving people to decide for themselves the form of government under which they desire to live.

No. 15.

STATEMENT OF MATTHEW CUMMINGS, OF BOSTON, MASS., EX-NATIONAL PRESIDENT OF THE ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS.

Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. I believe that it is admitted by fair-minded men everywhere that Ireland is entitled to her freedom. The Governments of Australia and Canada have passe resolutions repeatedly in favor of Irish freedom. The labor organizations of England have gone on record demanding that justice be done to Ireland and that she should be allowed to determine her own form of government Te legislatures of a majority of the States in the Union have passed resoluties advocating Irish independence. The House of Representatives of the Urim States Government and later on the Senate of the United States, by a vote ** 67 to 1 advocated freedom for Ireland and asked our representatives in Pa-to see to it that Ireland got a hearing at the peace conference. The Irish T convention, representing 20,000,000 in America of Irish blood sent three re missioners to Paris for the purpose of having President Wilson and the An can representatives at the peace coneference place the Irish question befer that body.

The President on this country entering the war stated repeatedly the nations must be granted the right to determine their own form of governm~ and more than a million American boys of Irish blood fought under the Stars Stripes convinced that American success n the war meant also the freesour the land of their ancestors. If the pledges made by our Government during " war are not carried out, a stigma will rest upon the splendid traditions of di