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stand the social relations and connections of races that may affectfthe public institutions of Hungary. All I say is that Hungary can regulate the=e matters for herself infinitely better than they can be regulated for her by Austria, and therefore, I limit my aspirations for Hungary for the present to that single and simple point.

"Hungarian independence, Hungarian control of Hungarian destinies, ani Hungary as a distinct nationality among the nations of Europe."

But let us turn to more recent utterances of authors still living. Mr. Archibald P. Colquhoun in his book entitled The Whirlpool of Europe, published bv Dodd, Mes-1 & Co. in 1914 (which is by no means too friendly to Hungary), wrote under the caption Slav and Magyar, as follows:

"Although modified in appearance, in customs, and in character by the rw^plo they have assimilated, the Maygars have retained, throughout all vicissitude*. an extraordinary homogeneity. Hungary has been a sovereign nation and a kingdom since 1000 A. D., and has never owed allegiance to any monarch who has not been affirmed and crowned by her estates. Moreover, the Hungarian is the only complete nation under the Austrian crown. Even Bohemia, claiming similar historic risrht-*, does not occupy the same position. Her people are not intact: Czechs are livin? under Prussian rule, Czech territory has been reduced by the conquest of neiehhorioir states. Moreover, there is within Bohemia a second nation, the Germans, with equal rights to the .Czechs. Their position is, therefore, constitutionally different from that of Hungary as a free sovereign state and nation. The rest of the peoples under Austrian rule are detached fragments of nations, remnants of ancient states."

In the chapter on Hungary and the Hungarians, Mr. Colquhoun continues:

"The Magyars, as said already, occupy a unique position in the dual monarchy. not only politically but racially, because they are an entire and homogeneous nation. The undeniable fact that they are by no means a pure race, but have assimilated other peoples, and have undergone physical and mental modifications in consequence, does not detract from their position. Like the United States (on a much larger scale' this little nation has been strong enough to stamp its individuality on alien peoples." *#***» •

"It is stated that it is better for a stranger to address the middle and lower claa» people in French or English first, not with the expectation of being understood, but as a passport to favor, after which he may get the desired information in German. Although this is mainly the result of a policy of Magyarization, there is an element at work in producing it which is more than mere State policy or compulsion. It if agreed by many foreigners living in Hungary that there is a contagion about the nationalist aspiration which is almost irresistible. In no country in the world are there to be seen so many divers races making one (despite local jealousies) in their support of Hungarian national tradition, and all are as vehement in their advocacy of Hungarian independence as the Magyars themselves. Jews and Germans swell with patriotic pride over their "ancient constitution," and more than one instance could be cited of Hungarian patriots (some well known as the exponents of the Magyar* to Europe) who have not one drop of Magyar blood.

"The contagion, the attraction, are in Magyar people themselves, and surely in this magic quality lies the secret of their success. The magnetic force they exercise is doing work which mere coercion or maneuvering could not accomplish. Element* of weakness, of unevenness, and of danger there are, but the core of the matter, the character of the true Magyar, is not only sound, but is displaying that most valuable and intangible of qualities—the power of attraction and assimilation."

But the standard book on Hungary is the Political Evolution of the Hungarian Nation, by the Hon. C. M. Knatcnbull-Hugessen, published in two volumes by the National Review office, London, in 1908, which no one who wants to judge the case of Hungary intelligently can afford not to know.

German scholars have a reputation for thoroughness in research work, not even the most insignificant details escaping their attention in collecting material. But it takes an Englishman (or a Frenchman) to sift the essential from the nonessential and

Present the often contradictory evidence in a way which will not confuse the read». t is this rare gift of clear vision and sober judgment which makes the work of the Hon. C. M. Knatchbull-Hugessen so valuable. The following quotations are from the last chapter of his book: "British public opinion has apparently arrived at the conclusion that the Magyar? are consistently guilty of the employment of methods of barbarism in their treatment of subordinate races. Trial by newspaper, condemnation without investigation. are such labor-saving processes that their employment is naturally popular, more especially when the means of forming a considered opinion are not easily accessible. Toe Magyars are themselves largely to blame for the fact that judgment has been alloTed to be passed on them on the ex parte statements of self-interested agitators and of imanitarian philosophers and that they are left to console themselves with the nviction that the abuse of which they are made the target is begotten of ignorance actual facts, of past history, and of the vital considerations of national expediency, he problem presented by the persistence of minor nationalities if not confined to ungary, but affects a large part of Europe, from Ireland to Bessarabia, and the easure of the abuse lavished by the spectator of the process of absorption, which is ling on as slowly and as surely now as in the past, is in inverse proportion to the agnitude of the absorbing nation. What Russia had done with impunity would ive evoked the thunders of Exeter Hall if perpetrated by a weaker country. Wreslen passes almost unperceived, while a petty Slovak village earns European noto*ty through the disturbances resulting from the dismissal of a disorderly priest. lie Irishman and the Pole have a recent historical basis for their claims to inde■ndent existence, as well as the justification of antiquity, which is wanting in the « of the fragmentary nationalities of Hungary.

"The aboriginal population of what is now Hungary—scattered incohesive tribes capable of resisting Magyar arms or, later, Magyar civilization—died out or was isorbed by the superior race. The process of civilization was purelv Magyar. The jvelopment of governmental institutions proceeded along purely Magyar lines and ire hardly a trace of either Slav or, save for the fact that Latin was the literary meum, of western influence. As we have seen, the mass of the existing nationalities is imported or filtered into the country long after it had received a permanent agyar stamp—desirable or undesirable aliens, who in most cases repaid the hospi.lity they received by lending themselves to the disruptive policy of the Hapsburgs. ho disappearance or absorption of the aborigines was due not to fire or sword or viont compulsion but to the essential superiority of the Magyar nation; so convinced that superiority that it never saw the necessity of Magyarizing races which in the irly days, having no conscious feeling of individuality, would have been as wax i receive the permanent impress of Magyar nationality. The gates were opened ide to European culture from the time of St. Stephen, whose maxim, "regnum unius nguae uniusque moris debile et imbecille," show shis recognition of the fact that the :ily language and civilization which had hitherto counted for anything in Hungary as the Magyar, as well as his appreciation of the benefits derivable from contact ith the west. There is no approximately pure race in Europe except the Basque, le Jews, and the Gypsies, but there are many countries in which the factors have listed which produce the fusion of heterogeneous elements into a single nation— Dmmon recollection of dangers surmounted, common religion, and common civilizaon. Such factors were largely wanting in Hungary. The dangers surmounted ere surmounted by the Magyars, who alone did the fighting, the bearing of arms in iriense of the fatherland being the privilege of the nobility. There was no common istory, for history was made solely by the Magyars. There was no community of ■ligion, as St. Stephen turned to Rome for the national religion instead of to the astern Church, thereby, in all probability, saving the Magyars from degeneration ) the level of the Balkan races and from ultimate absorption in the ocean of Slavdom. "Civilization, such as it was. was purely Magyar, and all governmental institutions fire directly developed from the germ evolved by the Magyar national genius before lie great migration westwards. The races imported into Hungary at a later date rrived too late to alter accomplished facts even if they had possessed a far higher f-gree of civilization than any of them had in fact attained. What they chiefly cared ir was freedom to exercise their various religions, and such freedom they received t the hands of Hungary, the land par excellence of religious tolerance. The better lass aliens received the rights of nobility or became fused in the Magyar nation. he inferior elements remained apart, in a condition neither better nor worse than liat of the great mass of Magyar peasants, and had little or no consciousness of disinctive nationality, or power to resist a deliberate policy of magyarization, had such policy ever entered the heads of the predominant race, which, unfortunately, it ever did. Unfortunately for the reason that successive Hapsburgs were enabled o utilize the forces of ignorance for the purposes of their traditional policy of divide it imperes—of centralization and absolutism. For the existence of hostility to the (agyar idea, tentative-and embryonic before 1848, the Magyars have to thank, in the irat place, their own consciousness of a superiority which made deliberate magyarsation superfluous, and, in the second place, the Hapsburg connection. There never as been any recognized citizenship in Hungary but Magyar citizenship. Though rora time to time the Hapsburgs encouraged the separatists tendencies of the Serb, be Croat, the Saxon, and the Slovak, the factremains that from the time of St. Stepheno the present day there has been and is no territory in Hungary but the territory if the Sacred Crown. Austria made a last attempt to produce, a mongrel federalism n Hungary in 1861, and now itself suffers from the poison of particularism of nationalistic antagonism which the Hapsburgs so long tried to infuse into Hungary for thei own purposes."

"Nothing can be more misleading than the majority of the maps which purport fi show the geographical distribution of the constituent races of Hungary. The Mnad uniform smudges of color which indicate that this part is Magyar, this Roumanian this Serbian, this Slovak, and so on, and serve as a text for the disquisitions of th< prophets of federalism, obscure the fact that the various races are so intermingled il all parts of the country, and so interspersed with Maygars, that it is impossible t effect clear-cut geographical subdivisions for federalistic purposes such as are poasii^ in Bohemia, where the country is peopled by only two races, the Germans and thi Czechs, between wh^m the lines of demarcation are comr aratively easily drawn, i

fiance at the map appended to the recent book of Mr. Ernest Baloghy (A Maeyni Lultura es a Nemzetisegek, Budapest, 1908) would do more to disperse erroneou notions as to racial distribution than many pages of statistics. Minute square1 d color, showing the interpenetration of the nationalities, replace the familiar hm*<i smudges, and the result bears as much resemblance to the ordinarv ethnographical map of Hungary as a pheasant's plumage does to the tricolor. The great central plain of the Danube and the Tisza is almost solidly Magyar, as is the eastern part ••! Transylvania; elsewhere, except in the Serbo-Croatian district south of the !>z»v», the patchwork diversity of color points an unmistakable moral—the impossibility o a territorial subdivision for purposes of local autonorry, which would not result in the subjection of Magyar and German intelligence to inferior types, whose sole chum to political differentiation lies in the fact that thev speak a bastard variety of tlw languages of more important races. The Magyar element is wanting in not one of 413 electoral divisions; the German only in 37. Slovaks are absent from 211. Roumanians from 235. Croatians 344, Serbians from 351. Ruthenes are to be found in 57 divisions, and fragments of other races in no less than 360. As regards the 18 divisions of what Brote and other agitators regard as Roumania irredenta—Traniylvania and Hungary up to the Tisza— the Roumanians are in an actual majority in only 11. Magyars and Germans form over 37 per cent of the population; and in no single district in which the Roumanians are in the majority is there an admixture of less than 11 per cent of other nationalities. Though the Magyars constitute no more than 54} per cent of the whole population of Hungary proper, they are ni->r? than three times as numerous as the numerically strongest nationality, whereas tie German population of Austria forms no more than 38$ per cent of the inhabitant* of the hereditary Provinces. Between the subordiante races there is no cohesion or solidarity; the Magyar is the only binding element. Pauslavism, Pangermanism. and Panroumanism have altera ted from tim3 to time, and in every case the source of agitation was to be found outside the limits of Hungary. Roumanians and Slovmb have nothing in common. The Roumanian hates the Serbian, and the Serbian tbr Roumanian."

[From a treatise entitled "Roumania in Hungary," by Eugene Pivany.)

Roumania's claim to Hungarian territory is based in the fit jt place on the prin<ir'e of priority of occupation. It is not disputed that the Hungarians had conquered Hungary a thousand years ago, '..ave built up a state there and have held the country •for a thousand years. It is claimed, however, that before the migration of nati"W Transylvania and other parts of Hungary had been the home of the Daf-o-Romaw and it is further claimed that the Vlachs or Vallachians—these are :he appellation* by which the Roumanians had been known until recently—a:e the descendant* ol those Daco-Romans.

Apart from the fact that the theory of the Daco-Roman origin of the \1arhs Dm been proved to be false, the principle of the priority of occupation has never bwn


. „jupation i—

then we may be called upon some day to relinquish our title to Texas, and California. and other parts of the United States in favor of Mexico, or Spain, or the In.lian*. »w the whole map of Europe may have to be made over, too. And it is certainly '• height of absurdity to go back for a title to a country to a period before the mier*!** of the nations even if the continuity of the race dispossessed by several subseqw** conquerors could be proved, which in the case of the Vlachs or Roumanians can not be proved. . , ■

The theory of the Daco-Roman origin of the Vlachs was conceived in tho romii *•[ Bonfinius, an Italian humanist, living at the court of Matthias CoryiDiis. K"* '"• Hungary, who was one of the greatest patrons of the sciences and arts in the fifwenui

itury. Bonfinius apparently got his idea from a superficial reading and interpretation of Iordanes's history, but he did not go into any deeper examination ;he subject, and the theory was soon forgotten. In the first half of the nineteenth itury, u"der the spell of tie nationalistic revival caused by the Napoleonic wars, aree Sinkay, an Hungarian of Vlach descent, took up Bonfinius's idea, and with isiderable ingenuity evolved a fanciful theory of the descent of the Vlachs from ! Daco-Romans.

This stimulated research by historians and philologists of other nationalities, notably ■late Prof. Paul Hunfalvy, a savant of international fame, Benedict Jancso, Ladislaus thy, and others, and it was finally established, and admitted even by Roumanian torian9, that the theory is untenable. The legions employed by Trajan and his tussore to subdue the Dacians came mostly from Spain and Asia Minor, thit is, 'y were not of Roman blood; the Lower Moesia referred to by Iordanes was south of ! Danube (on the Balkan Peninsula), not north of the Danube (Transylvania); i all evidence pointed to the fact that the Vlachs were Balkan Slavs who had become inized in their speech some time between the fifth and tenth centuries. The great luence of Illyrian on the Vlach language makes it probable that the latter originated ir the Adriatic shore. Thence the Vlachs. who are described by all Byzantine ihors as goatherds and thieves, gradually pressed northeastward and crossed the nube into what was called in Hungarian documents of the thirteenth century mania, later Transalpina or Ungro-Vlachia, viz, the present Vallachia, which was ?n a dependency of Hungary and is now the southern part of the Roumanian Kingm. They gradually filtered or sneaked also into Transylvania and other parts of mgary.

rhere is no evidence whatever that at the time of the conquest and settlement Hungary by the Hungarians there were any Vlachs in Transylvania at all. The 1 mention of Vlachs in an Hungarian document was in the thirteenth century, il in 1293 their number was still so small that it was proposed to settle them all on e crown estate.

Ill indirect evidence, for instance, that of the geographical names, is also against i Transylvanian origin of the Vlachs. The old names of mountains, rivers, and To are of Slavic or of Hungarian derivation, or else they belong to some prehistoric i?uage. The Roumanian geographical names now in use in Transylvania are of uparatively recent origin, and are generally translations or corruptions of the Slavic Hungarian appellations.

"ould there be a more conclusive proof of the fallacy of the theory of the Transylaian origin of the Roumanians than that they have borrowed their very name of msylvania from the Hungarians? They call that country Ardeal, which has no•aning whatever in the Roumanian language, being merely a corruption of the Hunrian Erdely, which is a contraction of the older form Erdo-elve, meaning Transylaia. or the land beyond the forest. If it were true that they had been there before e Hungarians, they surely would have had a name for that country, and would have »rved it at least "in their traditions.

Likewise they have no Roumanian name for the little town which stands on the site Sarmisegethusa, the royal seat of Decebalus. King of Dacia. Is it now called wiietye (Slavic) and Varhely (Hungarian), both names meaning "Burgsite." Roumanian propagandist arbitrarily give Roumanian names to Hungarian places, «s. etc. For instance, they call Kolozsvar, a thoroughly Hungarian city, Cluj, e river Koros is Krish for them, and their propaganda writings they speak of the Lramouresh (which means the Hungarian County of Marmaros , the Krishana hich means nothing at all i, and of the Banat of Temesvar as if thev were separate winces, of course Roumanian Province* stolen from the civilized Roumanians by 6 Ticked Hungarians. All these regions have been integral parts of Hungary for a wand years.

Transylvania, indeed, had been separated from Hungary for a considerable time, ■i even then she was a Hungarian principality, the Piedmont of Hungary. Gabriel ?thlen and Francis Rakoczi 11, who led the revolts of Hungarians against the Haps"?s in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, were princes of Transylvania. ie princes of Transylvania did also a great deal for shedding the light of civilization Vallachia where up to modern times unspeakable conditions prevailed. For stance, one of the Rakoczis had the Bible translated into the Vlach language, and M missionaries into Vallachia to teach the ignorant Vlach priests. The Roumanians hold the world record for principicide, or the assassination of fflces, with Serbia—whose record in this regard is not to be despised, either—a bad ^nd. By far the greater part of the Vallachian voyvodes, or ruling princes, died went deaths. Some of them managed to escape their subjects and place themselves Jfe the protection of Hungary. Life in Vallachia seems to have been just one assassination after another. The historian Anthonius Verantius, writing toward to «nd of the sixteenth century, remarked that 'the Vlachs are in the habit of murderiH their voyvodes secretly or publicly. It is considered remarkable if a voyvode reach* the third year of his voyvodeship; some times the Vlachs dispose of two or thre voyvodes in a couple of years."

In the history of Hungary of a thousand years not one regicide has occurred. ThJ fact alone speaks volumes for the respective political capacities of the three races Yet in the proposed Balkanization or Macedomzation of Hungary the Hungarians ar to be eliminated as political factors in the favor of races with such records. How thi can make for.peace and democratic development, and not for chaos and war, it i ■difficult to see.

The second basis of the Roumanian claims to Hungarian territory is the right of srii •determination. They point out that in several counties in southeastern Hungary th Roumanians are in the majority, which is quite true. But it is also true that thos •countries form no contiguous territory, and that right on the border between Hungari and Roumania there are three adjoining counties almost purely Hungarian, to thi south of which there are large Saxon settlements. It is impossible to cut out an] large unbroken territory for Roumania without incorporating large minorities :«i Hun garians and Germans, whom it would be unjust to subject to Roumanian rule, becausi in point of education, wealth, and everything that counts for civilization they are ta superior to the Roumanians. The Roumanians want the right of self-detenninatkn applied merely to the Roumanian part of the population, which, as has been shown is m the minority, taking the 26 counties claimed as a whole. The right of self-deiermi nation can be exercked only through a plebiscite, and to this the Roumanians an strongly opposed, admitting thus the weakness of their case.

A third argument advanced by the Roumanian propagandists is the '' liberation" a the Roumanians from Hungarian oppression. The charge of racial oppression by th< Hungarians, however is not borne out by the facts, for whatever oppression there hat been in Hungary had been on class lines and not on racial lines. The masses of th< Hungarians or Magyars had to suffer from it just as much as had the masses of th< non-Magyars; and whosoever managed to rise above the masses belonged to th< ruling classes without regard to race or creed.

The attitude of the Hungarian Government toward the non-Magyars—who are immi grants or the descendants of immigrants—had been the same as that of our own Govern ment toward the non-Knglish-spealring immigrants: Perfect equality before the la» but no recognition as racial groups or States within the State. What is right if done bj the American Government in America surely can not be wrong if done by the Hungarian Government in Hungary.

As a matter of fact, the Hungarian Government had gone a great deal further in in liberalism, for it granted considerable subsidies for the maintenance of the ecclesiasti'-al and educational establishments of the non-Magyar races. There were thousand* « schools in which the language of instruction was other than Hungarian, it beinp stirrolated only that the Hungarian language be also taught as a subject of instruction thrr* hours a week.

In 1917 the Roumanians of Hungary had five theological seminaries, six preparavn schools, four colleges, one high school, one commercial high school, one manual-train ing school, and more than 3,000 elementary schools, for the support of which they received 7,767,765 crowns from the Hungarian Government which, in the same ysar. paid them also 7,746,533 crowns for the support of their ecclesiastical establishment*, or altogether about 15,000,000 crowns—$3,000,000—while an equal number of Calvinists, or Presbyterians—an almost purely Magyar community—received oalv 11,000,000 crowns'.

If we take further into consideration that the Roumanian churches of Hunjanenjoyed complete autonomy and that the Roumanians in Hungary had also a splendid -chain of prosperous banks" used to a considerable extent for illegitimate politic*! propaganda, it must be evident 10 everyone that the story of racial oppression in Hungary is a malicious falsehood.

That the Roumanians do not possess the Hungarian spirit of liberality was proved once more by M. Bratianu, the Premier of Roumania. when he left thi peace conference because ho would not subscribe to the guaranties for the protection of r»n»! and religious minorities demanded from all new or enlarged Statt* bv the soprrn>* council of the principal allied and associated powers. It is evident that Rounur.U does not intend to accord the same rights to her future Hungarian subjects a- ''• Roumanians have enjoyed in Hungary, for the guaranties demanded are m>«i-l-' after the Hungarian act 44 of 1868. commonly known as the nationality law, whirB. by the way, is an unexpected vindication of Hungary from the chare* of racial oppre*sion by the supreme council of the principal allied and associated powew.

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