He thought the president should issue a proclamation of emancipation, declaring all the slaves in the United States free, and providing for the compensation of loyal masters. (It may be asked, what power has the president either to emancipate slaves, or compensate the owners for them)?

The Reverend gentleman thought the immediate emancipation of all the slaves of the country was required by God, as a matter of right and justice; and that this war was brought upon us for our national sins, and as a means of bringing about that end.

He thought that general emancipation must be declared, and the bondmen set free, or the nation must inevitably perish.

He was an hour and a quarter in the delivery of the sermon, three quarters of which was of a political and anti-slavery character. We have endeavored to give his ideas and words, on a few points, as near as it is possible to report them in a condensed form.

He seemed to think all that is necessary to set the slaves free, is the proclamation of the president, or an act of congress, declaring them emancipated; that the news would spread to every state, county, and plantation in a few days; and that every bondman would learn it, and immediately walk forth in the consciousness and full exercise of his liberty; that the power of the master over the slave would be paralized; that the laws and government, the vast armies and military forces of the confederate states, would become powerless; that the bondman would walk forth as a free man and join the federal armies; and that with their aid, the rebellion would be crushed at once.

If the sermon was a fair specimen of political preaching, we think the clergy may better let politics alone. We are not prepared to believe that they are either inspired or taught by the Deity upon such subjects. We think that however learned, pious, and sincere they may be, they are not authorized to speak as the ministers of God, and in his name, to teach the people in matters of politics and government. Their proper sphere is to preach the gospel-to preach upon moral and religious subjects, and to save souls-not to save governments-not to dictate national policies, and not to direct political or military operations. If they step aside from their proper clerical duties, to preach politics under the mistaken belief that they are taught of God, we fear they will mislead more than they will enlighten the people.

Have Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Charles Sumner, Gerrit Smith, John Brown, and others of that class, been instructed of God, upon the political questions connected with slavery, agitated by them? Are we to look to the Boston Liberator, and other abolition papers, and to the resolutions and proceedings of abolition meetings and conventions, to learn the modern teachings of the Deity?

In this age of Mormonism, Mahometanism, Shakerism, Four.

rierism, Abolitionism, Spiritualism, and numerous other fanatical isms, nothing is too improbable, or too absurd, to be attributed to the inspirations of God. Whither are we drifting?

The government has been distracted in the prosecution of the war, by divisions of opinion, by divided counsels, by the want of a uniform and proper policy and consistent action. There have been great divisions of opinion in congress, in the cabinet, between the president and his advisers, and among military men, as well as among newspapers and among the people. What is now wanted, is a sound, constitutional, and consistent policy, on which all the loyal people of the country, except a few fanatics, can unite. Harmonious action is necessary to a vigorous prosecution of the war; and that can never be secured by the adoption of extreme and radical measures.

If the president should adopt such a policy as the Reverend gentleman advocates, which has been pressed upon him by the abolitionists during the past year, we should despair for the Union and the Republic. It would divide the people of the north and tend to unite all the people of the slave states against the action of the federal government, and nerve them to fight with desperation, under the belief that they were a persecuted people, and, were fighting for self-preservation. It would probably prolong the war until England and France would interfere in their favor, under the pretence that humanity demands it, to put an end to the shedding of blood, and to save the south from devastation.

The war should be prosecuted vigorously, and it should be done in accordance with the modern usages and laws of nations, and for legitimate and constitutional purposes. On no other basis can our people be united, and the Union restored.

SEC. 10. THE FANATICISM AND DISUNION SENTIMENTS OF THE AB

OLITIONISTS.

To give my readers a view of the fanatical spirit, and of the revolutionary and dangerous tendencies of abolitionism, and to show that its success and domination are not consistent with the peace of the country, the restoration of the Union, nor the permanency of the federal government, I present the following extracts from the Liberator, the organ of the abolitionists, in Massachusetts, published in March, 1863, yiz:

-THE "COVENANT WITH DEATH.

NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS- Twenty years have elapsed since we submitted to an anti-slavery meeting in Faneuil Hall the following resolutions: " Resolved, That the constitution of the United States is a covenant with death and an agreement with hell, which ought to be immediately annulled." Except the enunciation of the doctrine of immediate and universal emancipation, no utterance ever so

startled the southern slave oligarchy in their fancied security, or so excited to ungovernable rage and fury their guilty accomplices at the north, as did that bold arraignment of an idolized parchment. It was instantly caught up and circulated by every pro-slavery press in the country, and commented upon with hot indignation as most treasonable and blasphemous language; and upon our naked head innumerable vials of wrath were emptied, without any mixture of mercy. Every time we repeated it, the body politic was thrown into violent paroxysms; unearthly howlings as from the bottomless pit were heard; mobocratic outbreaks followed, to suppress freedom of speech; and henceforward, till nearly the period of secession, Union-saving meetings, instigated and peremptorily insisted upon by the terror-stricken lords of the lash, were held in every direction, under the wealthiest, most respectable and most potential auspices-embracing all parties, sects, avocations and interests-burning idolatrous incense afresh, giving renewed pledges of eternal fealty, repudiating abolitionism as a deadly taint and a fearful abomination, and defiantly proclaiming, "The Union must and shall be preserved." * * Where, now, is the old Union? And did not the breaking thereof "come suddenly, at an instant?"

*

What is southern slavery but "death and hell ?"-death to mind and conscience, to moral perception and genuine religious principle, to human relationship and God-given rights and prerogatives, to liberty and equality, to justice and humanity: hell alike to the oppressor and the oppressed-lurid with its flames, and full of torment!

In what manner was the constitution of the United States " a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell?" By its pro-slavery concessions and guarantees in regard to slave representation in congress, the continuance of the foreign slave trade, the rendition of fugitive slaves, and the suppression of slave insurrections. Let John Quincy Adams testify:

[Here follow sundry quotations going to prove that the constitution protects slavery in southern states.]

a

These statements as to the pro-slavery features and purposes of the constitution have been indorsed, and carried out to the letter, by the government and people, ever since its adoptior.; and if they fail to substantiate our accusation against that instrument, then there never was, and never can be, covenant with death, and an agreement with hell." Under it, a slave representation has been uniformly allowed in congress; fugitive slaves have been hunted and recaptured in every state in the Union; the foreign slave trade was carried on for twenty years, under the national flag; and slave insurrections have been quelled by the strong hand of the national government. In pronouncing it "both morally and politically vicious,” Mr. Adams admitted its organic corruption and iniquity; and we simply reiterated his own fatal declarations. No pressure of peril, however severe or immirent, could justify the adoption and enforcement of such a constitution. "The deadly venom of slavery" having been infused into it" at its formation, it ought to have been rejected with horror by the nation. But no regard was paid to the rights of the despised colored race-the awful deed was ratified, and in some instances "with trembling hands and averted faces-and now the fitting punishment and end are seen in the bloody and perfidious rebellion on the part of that slaveholding section of the country, to propitiate which the unboly compact was made in the form and manner designated! Thank God, that he gave us the strength and courage to be the first to brand that polluted constitution as it deserved, and to declare that when judgment should be laid to the line, and righteousness to the plummet, the hail would sweep away the refuge of lies-the covenant of death be annulled-and the agreement with hell wonld not stand!

SEC. 11. POLICY AND OBJECTS OF THE ABOLITIONISTS.

The policy and leading objects of the abolitionists are indicated in the last section. They are to form and maintain associations, and a political party, to discuss the subject of slavery in public meetings, conventions, addresses, newspapers, political and religious tracts, and also in churches, in congress, and the state legislatures-to teach the people of the United States-the non-slaveholders as well as the slaveholders, how wicked and sinful it is to hold slaves-to teach them their moral, religious, and political duties upon the subject; and finally, to force their views upon the southern people, by the action of the federal government.

They denounced the constitution of the United States as an abomination, as if it were the cause of slavery in our country— denounced its support and maintenance as wicked and sinful, and encouraged members of congress and of the state legislatures, and all public officers, to disregard it, to violate their official oaths to support it, and to set it, and the fugitive slave law, at defiance -to trample them under foot, and to pass laws to defeat their operation. Their objects and purposes and the tendencies of their action is revolutionary-to rule the whole country, and to abolish slavery, or to cause a dissolution of the Union, and the formation of two or more confederacies, so that they may govern one of them. Such a result would duplicate the number of high offices, and furnish many tempting prizes to gratify the ambition of the radical leaders.

The southern people long since determined not to be taught by the abolitionists. They feel competent to determine their own rights and duties, moral and religious, as well as political; and they resist the action of the abolitionists as an impertinent intermeddling in their business and concerns; in which they think the northern people have no more right to interfere, than they have to intermeddle with the religious principles, the manners and morals, of the Turks, the Russians, or the Austrians. They claim to stand upon the principle of non-intervention—the non-interference of one people with the policy, the domestic institutious, and the government of another. International law, the freedom and independence of nations, religious liberty, the Protestant religion and our

federal government, are all based on that great and important principle; which constitutes the main corner stone of our religious and political institutions. They object to the policy and action of the abolitionists as inconsistent with that great principle; and it is difficult, if not impossible, to reconcile the purposes, the policy, or the action of the abolitionists, with any sound principles of go

vernment.

The policy and purposes of a party must be known by its leaders, and by their declarations and action; as they are not always avowed in their resolutions and platforms. Wendell Phillips is the most distinguished orator of the abolitionists. He has declared in public lectures during the past year, that he had been laboring sixteen years to take the free states out of the Union. The policy and purpose of many of the leading abolitionists have been to dissolve the Union, and to make a confederacy of a portion of the states if they could not rule the whole Union; and the purposes of the southern conspirators have been of a similar character. To give my readers a view of Mr. Phillips, and the measures advocated by him, the following has been taken from the Ann Arbor Journal, of April 16th, 1862.

WENDELL PHILLIPS AND HIS LECTURES.

Wendell Phillips, of Massachusetts, lectured before the Students' Lecture Association, at the Congregational Church in this city, on Friday evening, the 11th instant-subject, "The War, and the way out of it." He had a large and attentive audience, drawn together by curiosity to hear the distinguished lecturer-but not sufficiently abolitionized to enable him to excite much enthusiasm, by his remarks.

Mr. Phillips is a highly educated, interesting, and elegant man, of fine and commanding personal appearance, active, sprightly, and fruitful mind, a finely modulated, clear and smooth voice, an insinuating and subtle address, and great oratorical talents. His words and sentences flow on like a deep and smoothly flowing stream, though his ideas and his logic are sometimes as incoherent as those of a monomaniac. He is now the most influential leader of the Massachusetts Anti-slavery Society, as Charles Sumner is the political leader of the abolition portion of the Massachusetts republicans.

Mr. Phillips has become a traveling lecturer, to propagate abolition sentiments and principles, to enlighten the administration and the American people in relation to their duties, the causes of