ident, adopted a platform of principles; and the republican national convention, at Chicago, in 1860, which nominated Abraham Lincoln for president, and Hannibal Hamlin for vice-president, also adopted a very full platform of principles, consisting of seventeen resolutions; the eighth of which is not consistent with the history of the country, nor with the constitution of the United States.

The abolitionists held a convention, at Warsaw, in Western New York, in 1839, and nominated James G. Birney for president, and Francis J. Lemoyne for vice-president. The same party, calling themselves the liberty party, held at Buffalo, in August, 1843, what they called a national convention, consisting of delegates from nearly all the free states, at which they nominated James G. Birney, of Michigan, for president, and Thomas Morris, of Ohio, for vice-president. They also adopted a platform-consisting of a preamble and twenty-one resolutions-mostly confined to the subject of liberty and slavery, and denouncing and declaring void, that clause of the constitution of the United States, in relation to fugitive slaves.

The abolition party, in conjunction with the free democrats, held a convention at Buffalo, in August, 1848, in which all the free states and portions of Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware were represented. That convention nominated Martin Van Buren for president, and Charles F. Adams for vice-president, and adopted a platform, including an affirmance of the expediency of some measures, as well as principles; which is known as the Buffalo platform. The same party held a similar convention, at Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, in August, 1852, nominated John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, for president, and George W. Julian, of Indiana, for vice-president, and adopted a long political platform, very radical in its character. Since the repeal of the Missouri compromise, in 1854, the abolitionists have been merged in the republican party, with that portion of the whig and democratic parties, which was the most violently opposed to the extension of slavery into the territories.

The national council of the American party, (familiarly known as KNOW NOTHINGS), held a meeting and a national convention at Philadelphia, in February, 1856, adopted a platform, and nomin

ated Millard Fillmore for president, and Andrew J. Donnelson for vice-president of the United States.

It thus appears, that the partizan machinery of our country has been greatly changed during the last forty years; that a new system of political management, by national conventions and partizan platforms has been adopted; and what have been its fruits? The influences and efforts of the system of partizan conventions and caucuses, have been heretofore referred to (in section 13, p. 238). Their tendencies are spoken of in the "New American Cyclopedia," as follows:

"The caucus system is often converted into a contrivance for the distribu tion of offices among men more distinguished for intrigue than for talent; who, by combination and mutual support, and by serving each other's turns, are often raised to offices, and sometimes very high ones, for which, apart from a caucus nomination, they would hardly have been thought of as candidates."

SEC. 16. TENDENCIES AND EVILS OF POLITICAL PLATFORMS.

The platforms adopted by nominating conventions usually embrace an affirmation of political principles, of the limited constitutional powers of the federal government, and of some leading measures and matters of national policy; all of which involve questions of great difficulty, and often of great delicacy, on account of local interests and prejudices. Reason and sound policy seem to require that all such questions should be settled by the action and concurrence of both houses of congress, after full discussion and deliberation, consultation with the president and other executive officers, and the consideration of all the information which the executive departments of the government can furnish. They should be determined by senators and members of congress from all the states, representing the views and interests of all political parties and classes of people in the United States. When questions have been so settled, fairly, not only the constitution and the common obligations of loyalty to the government, but also the principles of propriety, require that every citizen should so far acquiesce in the decision and in the policy of the government, as to yield to the supremacy of the law, until it shall have been changed by constitutional and proper means.

How differently political platforms are formed and adopted by

partizan conventions! They are usually hastily prepared by s committee, reported to the convention, and adopted without much if any discussion, examination, or consideration. They are adopted by delegates from one political party, and are intended to promote partizan success, rather than the general welfare of the whole country. Hence they generally appeal to local and partizan passions and prejudices, and to the cupidity, the interests, and the ambition of particular classes of men.

They generally comprize the annunciation of a few general truths, or assumed truths, couched in general terms, and having so vague and indefinite an application to the condition and wants of the country, as to admit of different constructions by different minds. They seldom coutain a full annunciation of the principles of a party and of the programme of the intended action of the party; but so much only as the leaders deem it politic to proclaim. They are often cunningly drawn, and intended to mask the real objects and designs of the party leaders, and the tendencies of their measures. In proportion as the leaders of the north or the south obtain the ascendancy in such conventions, the platform is shaped to favor the views of the people of that particular section. What confidence should be placed in political platforms adopted in such a mode, and for such purposes?

The tendency of conventions, platforms, and party machinery, is to draw and maintain the lines of distinction between parties as rigidly as possible-to increase the intensity of party spirit-to secure fealty and devotion to party, and to induce voters to support the nominees of a convention, as the representatives of the principles of the party, without regard to the qualifications, character, or fitness of the candidates nominated.

Political platforms generally embody much truth; but it is truth more or less exaggerated and blended with error. They have led to perversions of the constitution by extreme parties, both north and south; misled great numbers of the people; induced the belief among many, that the party platform is more sacred than the constitution itself; and finally led to a disregard of the constitution and the laws of the land.

The tendency of the system is to destroy all independence of mind in public men-to compel them to surrender their own

opinions and judgments, in all respects to the party creed and to the policy of the party leaders. For fear of losing caste in the party, they often do what their own judgments condemn as

wrong.

If the choice of presidential electors, by the people, in single districts, had been originally provided for by the constitution, and in case of no election by the electors, the choice had been devolved upon the two houses of congress, meeting in joint convention, each member being allowed one vote, there would have been no occasion for nominating conventions, nor for party platforms; and if the practice of the government had continued as it was during the first twenty years after the adoption of the constitution, and men had been elected to office on account of their qualifications and character, been allowed freedom of action upon all public questions, without being trammeled by instructions and party platforms, the people of all sections of the country would have had more confidence in the government, and been more inclined to submit to the administration in power, and the laws of the land. The people would have been governed more by reason, and less by party spirit and passion, than they are now. But so long as the present system continues, and one party resorts to caucuses or nominating conventions and the adoption of political platforms, other parties will pursue the same policy.

SEC. 17. TENDENCIES AND EFFECTS OF THE POLICY AND ACTION OF THE ABOLITIONISTS.

Soon after the formation of abolition societies in the middle and north-western states, the abolitionists organized a system to aid the escape and concealment of fugitive slaves, familiarly known as the "underground railroad." They also made great efforts to operate upon public opinion, by meetings, conventions, addresses, traveling lecturers, newspapers, and auti-slavery tracts. They also sent numerous petitions to congress, praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in, the territories of the United States. The convention held at Warsaw, in November, 1839, which nominated James G. Birney for president, adopted the following resolution:

"Resolved, That, in our judgment, every consideration of duty and expediency which ought to control the action of Christian freemen requires of the Abolitionists of the United States to organize a distinct and independent political party, embracing all the necessary means for nominating candidates for office and sustaining them by public suffrage."

The action of the Abolitionists, and the agitation of the slavery question in nearly all the free states and in congress, caused great alarm at the south; and through the influence of southern men. the matter was brought before the democratic national convention of May, 1840, which nominated Mr. Van Buren for the presidency. That convention acted upon the subject, and adopted the following resolution, which is the seventh in the series, forming the democratic platform of that year, viz:

Resolved, That congress has no power, under the constitution, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several states; and that such states are the sole and proper judges of everything pertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the constitution; that all efforts, by abolitionists or others, made to induce congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend to our political institutions."

The national convention of the liberty party, held in August, 1843, which nominated Mr. Birney for the presidency a second time, adopted a platform, including the following preamble and resolutions:

Whereas, The constitution of these United States is a series of agreements, covenants, or contracts between the people of the United States, each with all and all with each; and

"Whereas, It is a principle of universal morality, that the moral laws of the Creator are paramount to all human laws; or, in the language of an Apostle, that we ought to obey God rather than men ;' and

"Whereas, The principle of common law-that any contract, covenant, or agreement, to do an act derogatory to natural right, is vitiated and annulled by its inherent immorality-has been recognized by one of the justices of the supreme court of the United States, who in a recent case expressly holds that any contract that rests upon such a basis is void;' and

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Whereas, The third clause of the second section of the fourth article of the constitution of the United States, when construed as providing for the surrender of a fugitive slave, does 'rest upon such a basis,' in that it is a contract to rob a man of a natural right-namely, his natural right to his own liberty; and is, therefore, absolutely void. Therefore,

Resolved, That we hereby give it to be distinctly understood by this nation and the world, that, as abolitionists, considering that the strength of our cause lies in its righteousness, and our hope for it in our conformity to the laws of God, and our respect for the rights of man, we owe it to the Sovereign Ruler of the universe, as a proof of our allegiance to Him, in all our civil relations and offices, whether as private citizens or as public func