SENATE.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [FEB. 22, 1830 early congenial capacity for bargain and intrigue to ope- order. For one, I will neither be whipped, nor whip, if rate upon. Look at the natural inferences. Governor of I can help it, for any such object, till the people of the a highly honorable and wealthy State, escaping from the West act in their sovereign capacity, and inform me. people, he is found ascending from New York, whether One thing is certain: the vital interest of the West is by a circuitous route or otherwise, and found again de- Internal Improvements; and from the past, I have a right scending in the city of Washington, upon the line of de- to judge of the future. From Virginia, Georgia, North Cascents, to become the prime intriguer for others, and make rolina, South Carolina, and Tennessee, the West has never himself the heir apparent to the throne. May kind Pro-derived but one vote, in the general, in favor of Internal Imvidence avert the affliction of ever having him for Presi-provements, in the Senate, out of ten. There was once a time, dent. If intrigue will accomplish his object, he will say, in relation to the Dismal Swamp Canal, we had another "Dearest friends in the South, my policy is yours;" and to vote. Take the New England States, and the Middle the North, " Dear, friends, my policy is yours; make me States, and from them the West has had a majority of the Will not every man believe that Gen. Jack-votes in the Senate for many years past; and the motion to son and Mr. Van Buren knew, that if the General was postpone the resolution under consideration will be receiv elected President, the latter was to be Secretary of State, ed friendly by the Western people. months, if not years, before Gen. Jackson's election? One cause of difficulty in the West, on the subject of a President." It would seem that I should comply with my promise, to part of the American System, is, that we have had wavershow that the resolution now under consideration is un-ing politicians, who believed the constitution was clear as called for, which will afford an additional reason for my to the power of Congress to make Internal Improvements, voting in favor of the motion to postpone it. On the 16th one day, and the next, differed as to the power, because February, 1827, John Quincy Adams, President of the of the place where the work was to be executed. During United States, transmitted to the Senate a report from the the last canvass for President, the vulgar, that spoke withSecretary of the Treasury, with statements prepared at out reason, said that John Q. Adams had fitted out a ship the Register's and General Land Office, in compliance of seventy-four guns to aid the British Government. How with a resolution of the Senate, of the 16th May, 1826, in little did those persons who traduced Mr. Adams know his relation to the purchases and sales of the public lands character and his hard-earned fame. To quiet the vulgar, since the Declaration of Independence. The report is not the thinking part of society, on either side, and to numbered 63. With the exception of abolishing the office arm them with an opportunity to repent and tell the truth, of Surveyor General, and the inquiry as to restricting the I call upon them to discredit their own witness in relation surveys of the public lands, the report affords ample in- to Mr. Adams. Gen. Jackson is the witness, and proves formation up to the 1st of January, 1826. For fifty years from his letter to James Monroe, President of the United past, we have the following statement, exhibiting the States, dated Nashville, March 18, 1817, who knew the quantity of public land purchased by the United States in character of Mr. Adams, and his worth. each State and Territory; the quantity actually surveyed, Gen. Jackson certainly could not, from his opportunisurveys of which have been received at the General Land ties in life, if he chose to embrace them, ever utter the Office, and the estimated quantity remaining unsold on following words, unless he knew he was speaking truth: the 1st of January, 1826. In Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, "I have no hesitation in saying, you have made the best Michigan, Missouri, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Ala-selection to fill the Department of State that could be bama, and Florida, the quantity of public land purchased made. Mr. Adams, in the hour of difficulty, will be an by the United States is two hundred and sixty-one millions able helpmate, and I am convinced his appointment will six hundred and ninety-five thousand four hundred and afford general satisfaction." General Jackson, in thus twenty-seven acres and eighty-four hundreths. The testifying, proves that Mr. Adams is the true republican amount of public land surveyed to January 1st, 1826; is and American: for, says he, "Mr. Adams, in the hour of one hundred and thirty-eight millions nine hundred and difficulty, will be an able helpmate, and I am convinced eighty-eight thousand two hundred and twenty-four acres his appointment will afford general satisfaction." and thirty-eight hundredths. The quantity of public land re- Why and wherefore has Mr. Adams been called the maining unsold, January 1st, 1826, is two hundred and thir- federalist-the alarming epithet applied to him? If Mr. teen millions five hundred and ninety-one thousand and sixty Adams be the federalist, so is Gen. Jackson. He hails the acres, and nine hundredths. To abolish the office of Survey- appointment of Mr. Adams as Secretary of State with joy, or General is idle, unless you intend to cede the public lands and says that he "will be an able helpmate." Well might to the States in which they are' situate; and, for one, I am he have said so, from the events which had transpired in ready to receive them upon such terms as the States or State the United States before Mr. Adams was appointed. It may agree with the Federal Government. To inquire in- was well known to Gen. Jackson, that the head, heart, to the expediency of restricting the surveys of the public and pen of Mr. Adams, upon international law, were relands is folly: for without appropriations, the lands can- quired to relieve this nation from all blots, and place her, not be surveyed. To do justice to my own constituents, as she had stood deservedly, in the first rank of nations the quantity of land purchased by the United States, (from known to the civilized' world. the date of the Declaration of Independence) in Indiana, 1 call upon the Senate, or any one member, to deny that is sixteen millions sixty thousand and thirty-six acres and Gen. Jackson did not write the letter above referred to: seventy hundredths, to January 1st, 1826; the quantity of I will pause to give an opportunity to deny, as I will do public land surveyed, sixteen millions five hundred and at any stage of my remarks. Truth should be told from forty-six thousand five hundred and thirty-eight acres and this chamber to the people, if we mean to preserve our seventy-six hundredths. Public land remaining unsold, liberties: for their intelligence will correct the pending Jan. 1, 1826, twelve millions one hundred and thirty-evils. I challenge and demand of the Senate, if they de one thousand four hundred and sixty-one acres and ninety ny the letter of Gen. Jackson, to send for persons and papers. hundredths. Gen. Jackson, in his communication to the Tennessee LeThrough the progress of this debate, I can discover gislature, resigning his seat in the Senate of the United symptoms that, on this resolution, merely for inquiry, States, made Sept. 14, 1825, among other things says, in the West are to be whipped into the ranks of partisans, substance, that he neither secks an office nor declines one. and to be ordered to the South or elsewhere. I do not If not in that letter, he says so in another. We all know know of any accredited organ at Washington to accom- the letter to be true. A more adroit letter for electionplish the object, nor do I know of any agent in or out of eering could not have been written. It suited the times. the House, that has the necessary credentials to give the Subsequent events have stripped his veil, and marked his FEB. 22, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATF. insincerity. In the letteralluded to, this language is found: distinguished civilian, who, as he says, “will be an able "With a view to sustain more effectually, in practice, the helpmate." Many handsome productions were issued axiom which divides the three great classes of power into from the Hermitage during the canvass preceding the independent constitutional checks, I would impose a pro- election of the President. Who wrote them? For the vision, rendering any member of Congress ineligible to character of the United States, let the mantle of forgetoffice under the General Government, during the term for fulness be cast over the productions. One bounty, howwhich he was elected, and for two years thereafter, except ever, has been realized, by way of reward, though it has in cases of judicial office." been since checked. It is supposed that the General means that which he has since forgotten. When the tariff bill was passed, under Mr. Adams's administration, it was stated in the prints that the colors of If he was sincere in stating "I would impose a provi- some of the ships in the seaports of the United States sion (I suppose he means a provision in the constitution) were hung at half-mast, by way of mourning. It is my rendering any member of Congress ineligible to office opinion that, if it be true that the colors of ships in the during the term for which he was elected, and for two seaports were hung at half-mast on account of the tariff, years thereafter;" and if his views were sound, as he de- the colors of the same ships should be nailed to the mast clares, it was completely in his power to have lived up to for the attack of the President, in his late message to his principles. Unless from the lips only he professed to Congress, upon the charter of the Bank of the United the Tennessee Legislature, from his transcendent influ- States. The President states in his message to Congress, ence in the United States his principles could have been or his prime scrivener for him, "The charter of the kept alive, and probably he might have been instrumental Bank of the United States expires in 1836, and its stockin producing an amendment to the constitution to answer holders will most probably apply for a renewal of their the evil of which he speaks. privileges. In order to avoid the evils resulting from He had it in his power to conform to his principles, for precipitancy, in a measure involving such important printhe second article of the second section of the constitution ciples, and such deep pecuniary interests, I feel that I gives to the President the sole power of making nomina- cannot, in justice to the parties interested, too soon pretions to the Senate, of officers, and Congress cannot take sent it to the deliberate consideration of the Legislature the power out of his hands. The clause of the constitu- and the people. Both the constitutionality and the expedition reads thus: "and he shall nominate, and, by and with ency of the law creating this bank, are well questioned by the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint, am- a large portion of our fellow-citizens; and it must be adbassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, and all mitted by all, that it has failed in the great end of estaother officers of the United States," &c. What has he blishing a uniform and sound currency. done, since he declared he would impose a provision, &c. "Under these circumstances, if such an institution is to prevent members of Congress from being officers, ex-deemed essential to the fiscal operations of the Governcept judicial officers, when he had the power to prevent? ment, I submit to the wisdom of the Legislature whether He has broken down his own standard; he has deviated a national one, founded upon the credit of the Governfrom his own assertions to the people. He has extended ment and its revenues, might not be devised, which his own patronage further than his predecessors. If I would avoid all constitutional difficulties, and at the same had asserted a fact to the people, I would have lived up time secure all the advantages to the Government and He has, as an evidence of his adroitness and arti- country that were expected to result from the present fice to seek an office, imposed upon the Legislature of bank." to it. Tennessee. His words may now be disregarded. Tur- It is well known, sir, that you and Mr. Clay were both pitude lurks, and is now seen. His acts must speak. He favorable to the grant of the charter in question. The nominated Mr. Eaton to be Secretary of War, Mr. Branch scrivener was not then in Congress. From some secret Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Van Buren (half Senator) to cause, it is found convenient, for love of country, but be Secretary of State, (but not until he had sold the votes more particularly love of self, to make the attack upon of the people of New York as so many cattle) Mr. Ber- the bank and the vested rights of individuals concerned, rien to be Attorney General, and Mr. McLane, of Dela- as well as the whole revenue of the United States, and ware, to be minister to the British Government, all Sena. indirectly to assist Mr. Van Buren to hug the South, kiss tors, except the half one, who, in all probability, was the West, and ride into the Presidential chair upon his inkept out intriguing. The people of the United States trigue and love of self, over you and Mr. Clay. I wish should feel themselves gratified to mark the footsteps of the facts in the foregoing sentence were the worst of this the Jackson republican, and his depression of Executive attack upon the bank; but the injurious effects to be patronage. I have said his acts must speak. Mr. Ingham, dreaded from it upon the interests of the agriculturists, nominated to be Secretary of the Treasury, (whose uni- manufacturers, and merchants, are plain. I hope that I form intrigue is well known in Pennsylvania) was a mem-am mistaken. The President might as well have said ber of Congress, and a fit adjunct of the Secretary of the bank was unconstitutional, and not to be relied on. State in any mischief. Mr. Rives, of Virginia, appointed What he has said, is in the presence of all the grades of to be minister to France, was also a member of Congress. ministers now in the city of Washington from foreign The people of the United States should rejoice at the up-countries. The message of the President will shortly be rearing of the standard of truth. Gen. Jackson would before the nations of all the world, and they will view impose a provision, and let members of Congress serve his message as true, as to the constitutionality of the bank, out their time, and receive the approbation or disappro-and that it has failed in the great end of its establishing a bation of their constituents; and as an evidence of de- uniform and sound currency. Our merchants trade in spising Executive patronage, and preventing the inter- foreign countries largely, and we shall hear the difference view of members of Congress with their constituents, he of exchange against them; and if against them, the farsends them to foreign countries, thus paying up the boun-mers, mechanics, manufacturers, and all other classes, out ties for services rendered! This mode of proceeding is of twelve millions of souls who consume articles and laharmless; it is reform to the people's pocket. I have bor from abroad, that afforded the products, will feel the said the letter was written with adroitness, and its object effect of the President's attack upon the only safe moneywas to reflect upon all who did not follow in his wake, ed institution of the people. Let the ministers from and as a cover to hide from the world that he was seek- abroad, of all classes, know that Gen. Jackson possesses ing an office. At the same time, among others, he was limited powers, and that, in the opinion of some, from the reflecting upon the course pursued by Mr. Adams, the want of a proper understanding of the true charter, and SENATE.] Abolition of Duties, Taxes, &c. [FEB. 23, 1830. of the honesty of the directors of the bank, his second in per, when any thing new is to be proposed, to state the command will, for himself, seek the destruction of the clauses, and make up an exposition of the principles of people's bank to climb the Presidential chair. his bill, before he submitted the formal motion for leave Since the granting of the charter, though its officers to bring it in. And, before I do this, [said Mr. B.] I will had much to encounter, its friends have not been disap-make a single remark, to justify myself for presuming to pointed. All has been realized that its friends expected. propose a bill upon a subject which is already reported Through the efforts of the bank, it has not failed to es-upon, by the able and experienced Committee of Finance. tablish a uniform sound currency, the opinion of Mr. Van My justification is, that the bill of that committee does not Buren to the contrary notwithstanding. Out of his shell present the best mode of accomplishing its own object; he shall recede or advance. He would disgrace a cow- that a better one can be devised; and being myself the ard's grave to refuse, as an honest politician, to aver his first mover of the great plan of abolishing unnecessary dusentiments, and speak of the charter and constitutionality ties, on the extinguishment of the public debt, it is a natuof the bank. ral effect of the meditation which I have bestowed on the The bank has thus far been faithful to the United States question, that something should have occurred to me, in transmitting their revenues to the most distant part of which has not presented itself to the minds of others. the Union, clear of expense to the people, and always This seems to be the case. Several bills have been reready to pay in gold, or silver, any just claim upon them. ported for the abolition of duties; one in this chamber; Why, then, has the message of the President, attacking some in the other end of the House; and no one has prethe legality of the bank, been made to Congress? Was sented the subject under my point of view. Good or bad, it to preserve the "axiom which divides the three great my plan is at least new, a bill of its own sort; a bill withclasses of power into constitutional checks, and sustain out precedent in the legislation of the country; and, in more effectually in practice" the rights of the people? bringing it forward, I discharge a duty to the Union, and He should have recollected, if "axioms" ever struck his to the public councils of which I am a member; and have mind, he has violated them, and, to recede, let him re- no other wish but that the wisdom and patriotism of the tract, so far as he wishes to favor the few. He states that Senate, from all that is presented, may select and prefer "both the constitutionality and the expediency of the law that which is best for the people of these States. creating the bank, are well questioned by a large portion of our fellow-citizens." It is not the case. He has interfered with one class of power-the Judiciary. The a title will admit. I will read it: only class of power that had a right to decide on the unconstitutionality of the charter of the United States Bank, known to our laws, was, and is, the Supreme Court of the United States, as the dernier resort. The "constitutionality and the law creating the bank are well questioned," says the Gener but I assert that the decision of the Supreme Court in the matter is final, and forms a part of the supreme law of the land. It was questioned by legal talents of the first order in the United States, and such as would grace any Bench in the known world. They settled the question of the constitutionality of the law creating the charter of the bank, and by that decision the country was satisfied and prosperous, till the outward rats, one from the North, the other from the South, visited Washington. The decision of the court was, that the charter was constitutional. cious" tariff. The title of my bill is adapted to its contents, and discloses its object as distinctly as the compendious nature of The Title. "A bill to provide for the abolition of unnecessary duties; to relieve the people from sixteen millions of taxes; and to improve the condition of the agriculture, manufac tures, commerce, and navigation, of the United States." The tenor of it is, not to abolish, but to provide for the abolition of the duties. This phraseology announces, that something in addition to the statute--some power in addition to that of the Legislature, is to be concerned in accomplishing the abolition. Then the duties for abolition are described as unnecessary ones; and under this idea is included the two-fold conception, that they are useless, either for the protection of domestic industry, or for supplying the treasury with revenue. The relief of the people from sixteen millions of taxes is based upon Gen. Jackson now wants a National Bank. Like the the idea of an abolition of twelve millions of duties; the tariff, that he knew would be up for discussion under additional four millions being the merchant's profit upon Mr. Adams's administration, and dreading more difficulty, the duty he advances; which profit the people pay as a he thought it prudent neither to "seek an office nor to part of the tax, though the Government never receives it. decline one;" but his usual modesty invited him to re-it is the merchant's compensation for advancing the duty, sign, and cling to the willows and foliage of a "judi-and is the same as his profit upon the goods. The improved condition of the four great branches of national What detail has he given to Congress for the National industry is presented as the third object of the bill; and Bank? None. It is conjectured that, by a “ judicious" their relative importance, in my estimation, classes itself one is meant the sword and purse combined. Farewell according to the order of my arrangement. Agriculture, State rights, when the day comes that a National Bank is as furnishing the means of subsistence to man, and as the established under the arm of a tyrant! Farewell to reli- foundation of every thing else, is put foremost; manufacgious and civil liberties, when crowned with a king and a tures, as preparing and fitting things for our use, stands consolidated government! second; commerce, as exchanging the superfluities of different countries, comes next; and navigation, as furnishing the chief means of carrying on commerce, closes the list of the four great branches of national industry. Though classed according to their respective importance, neither branch is disparaged. They are all great interests-all connected-all dependent upon each otherTUESDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1830. friends in their nature-for a long time friends in fact, unABOLITION OF DUTIES, TAXES, &c. der the operations of our Government; and only made enemies to each other, as they now are by a course of Mr. BENTON said he rose to ask the leave for which he legislation, which the approaching extinguishment of the gave notice on Friday last; and in doing so, he meant to public debt presents a fit opportunity for reforming and avail himself of the parliamentary rule, seldom followed ameliorating. The title of my bill declares the intention here, but familiar in the place from whence we drew our of the bill to improve the condition of each of them. rule-the British Parliament--and strictly right and pro-The abolition of sixteen millions of taxes would itself I shall have occasion to examine (or I may not) into some of the Departments, hereafter, to know who are in office, by affinity and consanguinity, to be more fully informed what is meant by reform. For the present, I have done. FEB. 23, 1830.] Abolition of Duties, Taxes, &c. [SENATE. operate a great improvement in the condition of each; equal amount upon our productions. This is what no but the intention of the bill is not limited to that inciden- law, or separate act of our own, can command. Amicatal and consequential improvement, great as it may be; it ble arrangements alone, with foreign Powers, can effect proposes a positive, direct, visible, tangible, and counta- it; and to free such arrangements from scrious, perhaps ble benefit to each; and this I shall prove and demonstrate, insuperable difficulties, it would be necessary first to lay not in this brief illustration of the title of my bill, but at a foundation for them in an act of Congress. This is what the proper places, in the course of the examination into my bill proposes to do. It proposes that Congress shall its provisions and exposition of its principles. select the articles for abolition of duty, and then leave it to the Executive to extend the provisions of the act to such Powers as will grant us equivalent advantages. The articles enumerated for abolition of duty are of kinds not made in the United States, so that my bill presents no ground of alarm or uneasiness to any branch of do I will now proceed with the bill, reading each section in its order; and making the remarks upon it which are necessary to explain its object and to illustrate its operation. The First Section. the plan which I propose, and for that I have the autho- "Such being the restrictions on the commerce and navigation of the United States, the question is, in what way they may best be removed, modified, or counteracted? "That, for the term of ten years, from and after the first day of January, in the year 1832, or, as soon there-mestic industry. after as may be agreed upon between the United States The acquisition of equivalents is a striking feature in and any foreign Power, the duties now payable on the importation of the following articles, or such of them as may be agreed upon, shall cease and determine, or be reduced, in favor of such countries as shall, by treaty, grant equivalent advantages to the agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, of the United States, viz: cof. fee, cocoa, olives, olive oil, figs, raisins, prunes, almonds, currants, camphor, alum, opium, quicksilver, Spanish brown, copperas, tin and brass, in sheets and plates for manufacturers' use, black bottles and demijohns, silks, wines, linens, cambrics, lawns, Canton crapes, cashmere shawls, gauze, ribbons, straw mats, bolting cloths, thread and silk lace, bombazine and worsted stuff goods, spirits not made of grain, nor coming in competition with do"There can be no doubt but that, of these two, friendmestic spirits; on the following description of cotton goods not manufactured in the United States, viz: chintzes, ly arrangements is the most eligible. Instead of embarmuslins, cambrics, velvet cords, china and porcelain, and rassing commerce under piles of regulating laws, duties, Brussels carpeting, Peruvian bark, chronometers, sex- and prohibitions, could it be relieved from all its shackles, tants, parts of watches, amber, pine apples, juniper ber-in all parts of the world--could every country be employries and oil of juniper, Italian and French crapes, gall ed in producing that which nature has best fitted it to pronuts, essence of bergamot and other essences used as duce, and each be free to exchange with others mutual perfumes, madder, turtle shell, and ox horn tips. surplusses, for mutual wants, the greatest mass possible Also, on the following description of woollen goods, not would then be produced, of those things which contrimanufactured in the United States, and necessary in car-bute to human life and human happiness; the numbers of mankind would be increased, and their condition betrying on the Indian trade, to wit: tered. Points. 4 31 Length. BLANKETS. Width. Feet. Inches. Feet. Inches. 7 3 24 2 4 3 13 3 6 CLOTHS. Width. Length. 22 20 "As to commerce, two methods occur. 1. By friendly arrangements with the several nations with whom these restrictions exist: or, 2. By the separate act of our own Legislatures, for countervailing their effects. "Would even a single nation begin with the United States this system of free commerce, it would be advisable to begin it with that nation; since it is one by one only that it can be extended to all. Where the circumstances of either party render it expedient to levy a revenue, by way of impost on commerce, its freedom might be modified in that particular, by mutual and equivalent measures, preserving it entire in all others. "Some nations, not yet ripe for free commerce, in all its extent, might be willing to mollify its restrictions and regulations, for us, in proportion to the advantages which an intercourse with us might offer. Particularly they may concur with us in reciprocating the duties to be levied on each side, or in compensating any excess of duty, by equivalent advantages of another nature. Our commerce is certainly of a character to entitle it to favor in most countries. The commodities we offer are either necessaries of life, or materials for manufacture, or convenient subjects of revenue; and we take in exchange either manufactures, when they have received the last finish of art and industry, or mere luxuries. Such customers may reasonably expect welcome and friendly treatment at This section contains the principle which I consider as every market-customers, too, whose demands, increasnew-that of abolishing duties by the joint act of the ing with their wealth and population, must very shortly Legislative and Executive Departments. The idea of give full employment to the whole industry of any nation equivalents, which the section also presents, is not new, whatever, in any line of supply they may get into the but has for its sanction high and venerated authority, of habit of calling for from it. 29 do. 22 do. Also, Indian gartering, vermillion, taffeta, ribbons, pocket looking glasses, beads, Indian awls, brass inlaid knives, scarlet milled caps, sturgeon twine." which I shall not fail to avail myself. That we ought to "But, should any nation, contrary to our wishes, suphave equivalents for abolishing ten or twelve millions of pose it may better find its advantage by continuing its duties on foreign merchandise is most clear. Such an system of prohibitions, duties, and regulations, it behooves abolition will be an advantage to foreign Powers, for which us to protect our citizens, their commerce and navigation, they ought to compensate us, by reducing duties to an by counter prohibitions, duties, and regulations, also. SENATE.] Abolition of Duties, Taxes, &c. [FEB. 23, 1830. Free commerce and navigation are not to be given in ex- to prohibition on our grain and provisions; and either tochange for restrictions and vexations; nor are they likely tally excludes, or enormously taxes, every article, except to produce a relaxation of them." cotton, that we send to her ports. In France, our tobacco The plan which I now propose adopts the idea of is subject to a royal monopoly, which makes the king the equivalents and retaliation to the whole extent recom- sole purchaser, and subjects the seller to the necessity of mended by Mr. Jefferson. It differs from his plan in two taking the price which his agents will give. In Germany, features: first, in the mode of proceeding, by founding our tobacco, and other articles, are heavily dutied, and the treaties abroad upon a legislative act at home; secondly, liable to a transit duty, in addition, when they have to asin combining protection with revenue, in selecting articles cend the Rhine, or other rivers, to penetrate the interior. of exception to the system of free trade. This degree of In the West Indies, which is our great provision market, protection he admitted himself, at a later period of his our beef, pork, and flour, usually pay from eight to ten life. It corresponds with the recommendation of President Washington to Congress, in the year '90, and with that of our present Chief Magistrate, to ourselves, at the commencement of the present session of Congress. will read them, to sustain and support the principles on which my bill is founded. dollars a barrel; our bacon, from ten to twenty-five cents a pound; live hogs, eight dollars each; corn, corn-meal, lumber, whiskey, fruit, vegetables, and every thing else, in proportion; the duties in the different islands, on an average, equalling or exceeding the value of the article in the United States. We export about forty-five millions of domestic productions, exclusive of manufactures, annunear that sum in the shape of duties, for the privilege of ally; and it may be safely assumed that we have to pay selling these exports in foreign markets. So much for agriculture. Our manufactures are in the same condition. In many branches they have met the home demand, and "It may be regretted that the complicated restrictions are going abroad in search of foreign markets. They meet which now embarrass the intercourse of nations could not, with vexatious restrictions, peremptory exclusions, or opby common consent, be abolished, and commerce allowed pressive duties, wherever they go. The quantity already to flow in those channels to which individual enterprise-exported entitles them to national consideration, in the always its surest guide-might direct it. But we must list of exports. Their aggregate value for 1828 was ever expect selfish legislation in other nations; and are, about five millions of dollars, comprising domestic cottons, therefore, compelled to adapt our own to their regula- to the amount of a million of dollars; soap and candles, to tions, in the manner best calculated to avoid serious inju- the value of nine hundred thousand dollars; boots, shoes, ry, and to harmonize the conflicting interests of our agri- and saddlery, five hundred thousand dollars; hats, three culture, our commerce, and our manufactures. hundred thousand dollars; cabinet, coach, and other The general rule to be applied in graduating the duties wooden work, six hundred thousand dollars; glass and upon articles of foreign growth or manufacture is that iron, three hundred thousand dollars; and numerous which will place our own in fair competition with those smaller items. This large amount of manufactures pays of other countries; and the inducements to advance even their value, in some instances more, for the privilege of be a step beyond this point are controlling in regard to those ing sold abroad; and, what is worse, they are totally ex articles which are of primary necessity in time of war." cluded from several countries from which we buy largely Phese extracts from the Presidents Washington, Jeffer- Such restrictions and impositions are highly injurious to son, and Jackson, cover all the principles which are con- our manufactures;, and it is incontestably true, the amount tained in my bill; the mode of action, the means of put- of exports prove it, that what most of them now need is, ting them into operation, is the only part that is new not more protection at home, but a better market abroad; and original. To this part I can see no objection but to and it is one of the objects of this bill to obtain such a its novelty: for it is free from all difficulty on the score of market for them. President Washington, in 1790. "Our safety and interest require that we should promote such manufactories as tend to render us independent on others for essential, particularly for military supplies." President Jackson, in 1829. constitutionality or expediency, and combines the advan- It appears to me, [said Mr. B.] to be a fair and practitages of equivalents with those of retaliation: for, if any cable plan, combining the advantages of legislation and nation refuses to reciprocate an abolition or reduc- negotiation, and avoiding the objections to each. It contion of duties with us, our heavy duties remain in sults the sense of the people, in leaving it to their Repre force against her, and she pays the penalty of her refusal sentatives to say on what articles duties shall be abolished in the loss of some essential branch of her trade with us. for their relief; on what they shall be retained for protec I will not now stop to dilate upon the benefit which will tion and revenue; it then secures the advantage of obtain result to every family from an abolition of duties which ing equivalents, by referring it to the Executive to exwill enable them to get all the articles enumerated in my tend the benefit of the abolition to such nations as shall bill for about one-third, or one-half less, than is now paid reciprocate the favor. To such as will not reciprocate, for them. Let any one read over the list of articles, and it leaves every thing as it now stands. The success of then look to the sum total which he now pays out annually this plan can hardly be doubted. It addresses itself to for them, and from that sum deduct near fifty per cent. the two most powerful passions of the human heart-inte which is about the average of the duties and merchant's rest and fear; it applies itself to the strongest principles profit included, with which they now come charged to of human action-profit and loss. For, there is no nation him. This deduction will be his saving under one branch with whom we trade but will be benefited by the inof my plan the abolition clause. To this must be added creased trade of her staple productions, which will result the gain under the clause to secure equivalents in foreign from a free trade in such productions; none that would markets, and the two being added together, the saving in not be crippled by the loss of such a trade, which loss purchases at home being added to the gain in sales abroad, would be the immediate effect of rejecting our system. will give the true measure of the advantages which my Our position enables us to command the commercial plan presents. system of the globe; to mould it to our own plan, for the Let us now see whether the agriculture and manufac-benefit of the world and ourselves. The approaching tures of the United States do not require better markets tinction of the public debt puts it into our power to abol abroad than they possess at this time. What is the state ish twelve millions of duties, and to set free more than of these markets? Let facts reply. England imposes a one-half of our entire commerce. We should not forego, duty of three shillings sterling a pound upon our tobacco, nor lose the advantages of such a position. It occurs but which is ten times its value. She imposes duties equivalent seldom in the life of a nation, and once missed, is irre |