SENATE.] no other " Mr. Foot's Resolution. [FEB. 26, 1830charge and expenditure" but the charges and and if not necessary for revenue, then to be divided upon expenditures of that war. They point to that object some given and settled principle, among them all, I have alone; no other existed. And the "respective propor- endeavored to prove that the settled standard by which tions of the general charge and expenditure," incurred in the division shall be made is, "according to the respeceffecting the objects of the war, were settled upon as the tive proportions of the charge and expenditure" of each equitable standard by which "the respective proportions" State, in the prosecution of the Revolutionary war. And of each State should be measured. if, at a time when the public funds are sought for with an Now, [said Mr. S.] having laid down the premises so ob- avidity heretofore unknown, when all are looking to the viously deducible from the act of cession, we shall arrive extinguishment of the public debt, and consider all beat that conclusion which I anticipated would give a very yond as public spoil, either to be given as bounties to purdifferent result in favor of South Carolina. To accom- chase the patronage of the Western States, or divided out plish this, sir, it would be necessary to show what "the upon some new principle, most favorable to the large respective proportions in the general charge and expendi- States, I have been fortunate enough, in the view I have ture" were. This I shall be enabled to do from the "Re- taken, to show that the principle is already established, it ports on the Finances.”* In this report, the balances that will secure to the State of South Carolina the largest appeared, after the war, to be due to the creditor States, dividend; but a dividend proportioned only to the "charges are specifically stated. Of the creditor States there were and expenditures" she bore in that Revolutionary war but five: Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Virginia, which gave you the sovereignty over those public lands. Notwithstanding it is a new view, and may essentially interfere with the propositions of other gentlemen, never$5,386,232 theless, if it be a correct view, it is to be hoped, whenso5,226,801 ever the partition shall take place, if a partition must be made, it will be made in pursuance of that principle, not 1,167,575 the principle of representation. and South Carolina. South Carolina is a creditor State to the Massachusetts stands next in amount, I will not propose a system for disposing of your public I will not pursue the statement any further. My object lands; I will leave that, sir, to some other hand. If, how was to exhibit South Carolina the highest creditor State, ever, the sales were to go on, as heretofore, I think the and to contrast the claims of that State with the claims of Government would profit by it. I would permit the surNew York, upon the principle laid down in the act of ces- veys to progress. I would not lower the minimum price. sion. Upon this principle, South Carolina will receive, There will be time enough to do that after the best lands in the division of these lands, nearly five times as much as are disposed of. However, I would do one thing, which the State of New York, if they are to be divided among heretofore has been rejected by Congress. It is this: I the States. To divide on the ratio of representation, would give a fair commutation, in lands, to every penwhich appeared to be the principle agreed upon in the sioner, both of the revolutionary war, and of the late war, House of Representatives, a few days since, the State of in complete extinguishment of their pensions. If the penNew York would obtain nearly four times as much of the sion system is to be kept up, the commutation would save public lands as South Carolina would. This, sir, is a mat- the Government many millions of dollars; and would afford ter worth looking into, as regards South Carolina. To a home to the disabled or indigent soldier, and an inheritdivide on the representative basis, will give New York ance to his family. I would go further, sir: I would give four for one over South Carolina. To divide on the ces- to every man who would settle on the public lands, and sion basis, will give South Carolina five for one over New reside there one year, a half section, a quarter section, York. This will make a difference of nine to one in favor of South Carolina over New York. or a half quarter section, at the minimum price. I would not give this, or any other quantity, to any man, unless he I have endeavored [said Mr. S.] to demonstrate that, in should make certain improvements thereon, and cul dividing among the several States the public lands, or the tivate a certain reasonable portion of the lands for one proceeds that shall arise from the sales thereof, the divi- year. This would be filling the Western States with that sion must proceed upon the principle laid down in the act description of population which constitutes the strength of of cession, according to their respective proportions in a Government. Such a system as this, will enable the the general charge and expenditure. How far I have poor and the enterprising man to procure a home. This succeeded, the Senate will determine. One thing is cer- privilege I would give to the occupant or cultivator only. tain, that it never was intended by the cession to make the The small quantity thus disposed of cannot lead to specu division upon the principle of repesentation: and this lation. Let him who would speculate, buy at the sales, as for the plainest reason imaginable. At the time this ces- heretofore, as the highest bidder. I clearly see, unless you sion was made, the General Government was administered hold out some such inducement as this, to keep the dispounder the articles of confederation; and under that system sal of your lands going on, it is to become a source of barthe representative principle was not known. The repre- gain ands ale, as the occasions of political speculations shall sentation of each State was the same, and each State had arise, and produce a scene of corruption that may overbut one vote: so that the division upon the representative whelm this Government--a scene more terrible than that principle could not have been thought of. It would have produced by the Tariff and Internal Improvement, herebeen nugatory, as every State had an equal representa- tofore brought on you by degrees, and by a liberal pohtion. The negative of the representative principle is also cy, as it was called. sustained by the eighth article of the confederation. This After closing his remarks relating to the subject of the shows that the operations of the Government were not public lands, Mr. S. said: carried on upon that principle. That principle has grown And here, sir, I might close; but this discussion has up under the present constitution of 1787, which, being gone so far, and spread so widely, and public expectation after the cession, cannot control such rights of the States has become so excited, on particular topics, on which I as existed before that constitution was ratified. am not willing to be wholly silent, that I will pursue it a little further Sir, it appearing to me perfectly evident that the public lands are the property of the people of the several States, and not of the Western States, exclusively, and committed to the Government only to dispose of for their benefit; Reports on the Finances, vol. 1, pages 35, 36. In the first speech with which the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. WEBSTER] favored the Senate, he introduced the subject of slavery. I was sorry to find it brought into a debate of this peculiar character, and was not satisfied with that gentleman's remarks. However, I was FEB. 26, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. pleased to find, when he addressed the Senate a second would not pay one-fourth part of the expense of their time, he gave such an explanation as to do away the odious transportation--no, not one-fourth part. impressions which had been received from his first re- Then, sir, what are we to do? Are we to turn them marks; and, in addition to his explanation, has very frankly loose upon society; to shift places with their masters; they acknowledged that slavery, as it exists in the United States, to become masters, and their masters to become slaves? is protected by the constitution. I am willing to receive for, be assured, the two cannot live together as equals. these admissions from the gentleman; and am equally wil- What other effect is such a state of things to produce upling to admit them to be sincere. Whilst I have ever on this community? been sorry to hear this subject brought into debate, I have When the subject of slavery was once before the Sebeen disposed to admit any concessions of its constitution-nate, on a former occasion, I recollect it was stated by a ality. Whatever may be the present opinion of the gen- very distinguished gentleman, then a Senator from Contleman from Maine, [Mr. HOLMES] who also touched upon necticut, [Mr. DAGGETT] that in the town where he resided this subject, I well recollect when he struggled with us, there were an hundred and fifty white persons for one black s de by side, at the most important and gloomy period of person; and that there were at least three black persons for this subject that has ever agitated this Government. We one white person convicted of public crimes. To what know the sacrifices he made on that occasion. We know extent would be the pillage and depredations of these peothere were other New England gentlemen who supported ple, were they all let loose upon society? What could us with independence and manly zeal on that occasion. check their rapacity? Its limits cannot be imagined. Some We know another gentleman from Massachusetts, a mem- mad missionaries, and self-created philanthropists, with ber of the other House, who, if we believe his own decla- some of your raving politicians, affect to believe that the rations, is willing to go farther with us than merely ac-salvation of this Union depends upon the question of a geknowledging the right we have to hold slaves; he is ready to neral emancipation. But I will ask, if there be an orderarm in our defence in case of a servile war. Shall I rejectly, honest, and peaceable citizen, either in the Northern, such overtures as these, and pronounce them insincere? No, Southern, Eastern, or Western portion of this Union, who sir: I would rather thank him for his independence than would calmly and deliberately give his assent to such a state challenge his motives. I have had, sir, as little reason to of things. I will not believe, for a moment, there is such fear an improper interference with our slaves, from the a one to be found. Therefore, I can scarcely believe that New England States, as from any other States. There I ought here to make this a serious question. Whenever are, doubtless, some restless spirits in New England, as it shall happen that any State shall bring this subject, in well as elsewhere, who, borne away by fanaticism, or some-any serious form, before the public, I shall then be ready thing worse, are sending their seditious pamphlets and and willing to meet it, in any shape in which it may prespeeches among our slaves, and taking other improper sent itself, be that shape what it may. steps to excite insurrections; but those who are most devoted to this unholy service are nearer to us.* The gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. WEBSTER] has compared the comforts and advantages of the people of the free and slave States, and given a decided preference to the former. I believe, without arrogance or ostentation, there is, to say no more, as much comfort to be found in the slave-holding States, as in any other portion of the Union. There is as much industry, as much kind feeling, as much charity, as much benevolence, as much hospitality, and as much morality; and all the social virtues are as much cherished as they are any where, either in this or any other country We have been egregiously misrepresented, sir, by vi sionary theorists, speculating travellers, and ranting politicians, who would impose upon the world a belief that the slaves of the Southern States are starved, and miserable, and tortured, and treated like brutes. It is utterly false. They may travel from pole to pole, and traverse every region of the civilized world, and they will find that there is not a peasantry on the face of the earth that enjoys so much civil liberty, and, at the same time, lives so comfortably, and so bountifully, as the slaves of the Southern States. The idea which has gone abroad, to the contrary, is visionary and fabulous. We are told, and the world is told, in the pamphlets and public speeches, written and I am not disposed, sir, in this desultory manner, to ex- uttered by blockheads that know nothing about it, that we amine this subject in all its bearings. The occasion is not never lie down to sleep in safety; that we are continually a suitable one. Nor will I go into the origin of slavery in in fear of having our throats cut, before we awake. In this country. If I were to do so, I might, without fear of some of the cities, where these pretended philanthropists contradiction, say, that "Plymouth, the place where the are daily tampering with, and exciting the slaves to insurpilgrims landed," was the second port at which African rections, they have occasionally had some alarms; but on slaves were bought and sold on our shores. I once exam- the plantations, and in the interior of the State, such a thing ined this subject fully, but, at the same time, fairly and fear- has never been heard of. Did it become necessary for lessly. I say, sir, I will not inquire how slaves were first me to arm against an enemy, either foreign or domestic, introduced here, but seeing they are here, and have been and the laws of my country would permit me, I would se crowded from all the other States upon us to the South, Ilect my troops from my own slaves; I would put arms into will address my arguments, or present my reasons, to the their hands, and tell them to defend me; and they would sober understanding of those that hear me, why they ought, do it; not from the timid fears of abject slaves, but from and why they must be, left to time, and to the discretion their devotion and attachment to me, as their benefactor of those who own them, to effect a change, if one can be and protector. I will not deny that there are hard maseffected, to alter (I cannot say to better) their condition. ters among the slave holders, but that evil is doing away; All the schemes of colonization, and returning them to their public opinion, and that attachment that is constantly growprimitive country, are wholly visionary. These things doing up between the master and his slaves, have nearly put well enough to talk about; and sometimes have a political it down. There is not to be found, sir, more cheerfulness, effect, or give pecuniary employment to those who have and more native gaiety, among the population, in any connothing else to do. But, sir, if they were now all free,dition in life, than on a plantation of slaves, where they are and the Government had nothing farther to do than mere-treated well. Moreover, the slaves themselves know, all ly to transport them to Africa, you might take every cent this; and what is more, they feel it. They have none of from your treasury, your whole annual revenue, and it that sickly longing for freedom, with distress, poverty, and starvation. I repeat it, sir, that there is no portion, I A paper published at Greenville, Tennessee, and a Lamphlet pub-do not say of black population, but of the peasantry, of the lished in Baltimore, were against slavery, and both sent to South Car- European continent or anywhere else, among whom there olina, and were as poisonous as a viper.-Note by Mr. S. is more enjoyment, more hilarity, and more practical civil VOL. VI.-26 SENATE.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [FEB. 26, 1830. liberty-yes, civil liberty, in its true practical sense--than The debate upon this question has thrown but little constantly exists among Southern slaves. As to crimes, light on it. It has been a debate more of censure than of they are so rare among them as to be almost unknown. illustration. Each gentleman has at least justified his own In proportion to their numbers, there are fewer public political course, whilst he reproached that of others. And crimes committed than among any other people, of any some warmth has arisen as regarded the origin of this other condition living. measure-one asserting it originated in the South, another denying that fact, and imputing the origin to the North. Claiming no share of that honor myself, I am perfectly willing to leave that part of the controversy to those whom it may concern. But it is certainly worth remarking that, in all the warmth of discussion, they have confined themselves to expedience alone, without touching the constitutional question. This is not an exaggerated picture of their condition. Why, then, have we all this slang about emancipation and colonization? Were the Government able to pay for them, and transport them to Africa, it would be a sacrifice of their rights and their happiness. It would be sending them from a state of peace, protection, and plenty, to the mise rable condition of starvation and butchery, I, sir, will never be the instrument of setting a negro free, or permitting the Government to do so, that he may be consigned to poverty and misery, when I am conscious I can make him comfortable the rest of his days. The gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. WEBSTER] has come out with his opinions very decidedly in favor of the power of Congress ever the subject of Internal Improvement. His opinions and my opinions do not accord. HowSir, one word more: In the State of Ohio, where slavery is ever, whether they accord with mine or not, I like decidnot tolerated, there was at one time a great deal of this kind ed opinions upon political questions, because they can be feeling, as regarded the emancipation of slaves; many took met and combated. This gentleman assures us his inind is sanctuary there, who had escaped from their masters. So settled; that he has satisfied himself that the power exerstrong was this feeling, at the crisis which brought about cised by the General Government, in constructing roads the admission of Missouri into the Union, that all the mem- and excavating canals, is within that class of powers delebers of Congress from that State opposed her admission, gated to Congress by the constitution; and that the exerunless under an express prohibition of slavery.* Since cise of that power is for the great interest of the Union. that period, however, they have found, from experience, However I may be pleased with the frankness which that that a free black population cannot be tolerated in that gentleman has displayed in avowing what his opinions are, State, but under peculiar restrictions, imposed by law. In I am, nevertheless, by no means satisfied with opinions onconsequence whereof, the laws of that State have recently ly. They illustrate nothing; settle no point; nor is it by been enforced, and the free people of color, being unable any means satisfactory that that gentleman should inform to conform to its rigid exactions, have been led to seek an us that he had been associated with other gentlemen, from asylum in the British province of Upper Canada; where, South Carolina, in promoting the objects of Internal Imwe learn through the medium of the public prints, they provement, or that it had its origin in South Carolina. It have made a settlement, and expect to augment it by ap- is enough that the people of South Carolina think for themplying to the British Government for a large donation of selves upon this great question, and feel themselves bound lands. Should this colony succeed, and grow to any ex-by the opinions of no politicians. Without any complitent, if I might hazard an opinion I would say, this might ments from me to place that gentleman conspicuously bebecome a more formidable annoyance to the peace and fore the public, we know very well that he is well versed safety of that State, than their former Indian neighbors. in the laws of his country, in the laws of nations, highly It is not for me to arraign the conduct of the good people distinguished for his legal attainments, and long accustoms of Ohio for any municipal regulations their Legislature ed to the construction of legal instruments. I should have may have thought fit to adopt. If they be satisfied with liked, therefore, to have heard from him, on this occasion, that policy which has driven from that State the black peo- not only his opinions, but likewise his constitutional reaple, whom they call free people of color, but many of sons, for his very decided opinions that Congress possesswhom are the slaves of American citizens residing in oth-ed this constitutional power. er States, to the British possessions, it is not for me to The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Rowax] has dwelt a complain. But suppose, by what has been called the hu- good deal upon this subject, but has arrived at no explimanity of their laws, slaves from other States should be cit opinion upon the constitutionality of the measure. He is still tolerated to take sanctuary there, and make that State equally learned and equally experienced in law and legal a medium through which to pass from their rightful own- construction with most gentlemen. It would have been ers in the other States, to this new colony in Upper Cana- desirable to have heard his constitutional views, but he has da, and that colony should be fostered by the British Go- not favored the Senate with them. He has assigned, as vernment, may not the people of color, in case of a rup-a justification of the course he has pursued himself, not ture between the two countries, become a thorn in the that it was constitutional, but that his constituents believe side of our fellow-citizens of Ohio? Perhaps there is no the General Government has this power, and that it is for description of people in existence who so completely fill their convenience that the General Government should exthe character of marauding warriors and free-booters as a ercise it; and, as their Representative, he felt himself colony of free blacks brought together under such circum-bound to support it. He acknowledges the inexpedience of the exercise of this power by Congress; yet he has uni stances. With these remarks upon a subject of deep concern to formly voted for every appropriation, for the Louisville cathe Southern States, and which ought to be of little con-nal especially, as well as for every other road and canal cern to any body else, I shall pass on to the subject of In- for which an appropriation has been asked. ternal Improvement, of much concern to us all, and which I do not see the Senator from Missouri (Mr. BENTON] in has occupied more or less of the attention of every gentleman who hath participated in this debate. In pursuing this theme, although of great magnitude, and of much importance to this Government, it will be my course, as well as it hath been of those gentlemen who have preceded me, not to give it a thorough investigation. General Harrison was an exception. He hat thought well on the subject, and was decidedly opposed to the restriction. He put every thing to hazard, that he might discharge his duty,--Note by Mr. S. his seat. I am sorry he is not there; but not intending to say any thing, as regards his opinions, in his absence, which I would not say where he present, it is not material. He has not been altogether uniform on this question. He has voted according to circumstances. Of the Cumberland road he has been a uniform supporter, always voting for appropriations for its continuance, whenever asked. for. He has uniformly, also, supported the appropria.. tions for the Louisville canal, or for subscriptions by the General Government for stock in that company, which are He year. [SENATE appropriations of the most exceptionable character. And you have appropriated more than one million is, however, opposed to appropriations for roads and ca-[of dollars since that time, to continue that road. In this nals that lead from the Western States to the Atlantic States, way, sir, we have suffered this system to grow up in our because, as he alleges, they divert the commerce of the Government by gradual encroachments. Western States from its appropriate channel, the Mississippi, and appropriate market, New Orleans. On this subject I have, on a former discussion, when it was properly before the Senate, in a shape upon which a To what purpose has this subject been brought into this vote could be directly taken, had the honor of giving my debate? It has undergone an elaborate discussion by those constitutional objections at full length. I shall forbear to gentlemen, but neither of whom have so much as attempt-do so here, and leave this subject precisely where I found ed to give an exposition of the constitutional principle that it--a subject of debate, without a conclusion. confers this power upon Congress. It is not satisfactory I come now to the subject of the tariff, concerning to exercise the power without showing how the power is which there exists so much anxiety, and upon which there obtained. The exercise of this power produces a con- depends so much interest. It has occupied a conspicuous tinued drain upon your treasury. It is much to be regret-place in this discussion. And I have, from the commenceted that, whilst both the gentleman from Kentucky and ment of the debate, felt an invincible reluctance to apthe gentleman from Missouri have given such a display proach it here. I should have no reluctance, but, on the upon constitutional principles and State right principles, contrary, a great deal of pleasure, were this the time this constitutional principle should not have been illustrat- and place suitable for that occasion. The question is one ed. In support of State rights, they have bestowed much of vital importance, not only to the State from which I consideration. But there is something irreconcileable to come, but is of vital importance to the whole Union. In my mind that gentlemen can raise the State right standard, discussing it here, and at this time, who am I to address? and yet vote large appropriations for roads and canals, to I have the honor, it is true, to be surrounded by the Senate be applied under the power of the General Government in of the United States, who will, perhaps, do me the favor the States. The State right party cannot admit that doc- to hear me. Also, the galleries are full of respectable trine. They consider the appropriations by Congress for citizens, who will probably give me their ordinary atten Internal Improvement as the source of the evil. It is In- tion likewise. To which of these bodies shall I appeal for ternal Improvement that keeps alive your tariff. It is fed a decision, whether I am right or wrong? If I appeal to by your tariff. Without the former the latter would per- the Senate, they have no such question before them. If ish. How a statesman can support Internal Improvement to the galleries, they have no jurisdiction to decide upon and oppose the Tariff, is a paradox which I cannot solve. any question here. And although we are in the Senate But how he can vote for both, and still advocate State chamber, the Senate can no more decide upon this quesrights, is a paradox that nobody can solve. tion than the merest stranger in the galleries. It is a sub Another gentleman [Mr. HAYNE] has said, the law of ject, sir, that ought not to be impaired by any common1824, which appropriated thirty thousand dollars to enable place familiarity, in debate, where a complete investiga the President to obtain plans and surveys of roads and ca- tion of all its bearings cannot be attained, and where no nals, was an experiment-that the subject was not well decision is sought for. It is lessening its consequence, and understood. This was a woful experiment, sir; an ex-giving up more than half its importance. The time is ap periment that has rendered the Southern States complete-proaching when we shall be able to bring it before the Sely tributary to the other States of the Union. The enact-nate in a different form, where it can be discussed upon ment of that law was hailed by the advocates of Internal its merits, and the vote of the Senate passed upon it to a Improvement, which had been balancing for eight years, useful purpose. But, seeing the subject has been brought between victory and defeat, as a confirmation of the power before the Senate, although I do not intend to go into any of Congress over Internal Improvement. The subject was thing like a general view of the question, I will, neveras well understood by the members of Congress then, as theless, not pass it entirely unnoticed. it is now. The people at large did not understand it; nor This discussion, sir, has involved the consideration of two never would, had the discussions been confined to Con- great political questions; whether, if a State be borne down gress. That Congress understood it, cannot be question-by the oppressive operation of a law of the United States, ed. It had been debated warmly in Congress, from 1816 the proper appeal from that oppression is not to the Juditill that law passed in 1824. The great bonus bill of 1817 ciary; or whether, in such a case, the State aggrieved has underwent a thorough discussion in both branches of Con- not a right to withdraw, and say to the rest of the Union, gress, and passed both Houses, and was negatived by Mr. we no longer belong to you, because you have violated the Madison. The next year it was resumed, and then under-compact with us; we have decided for ourselves that you went another very long and very animated discussion. have oppressed us; your laws are unconstitutional, and we And so it did every year, in some shape or other, until the will no longer continue a member of the Union. act of 1824, which act, alone, has taken from your treasu- On the first portion of this subject, if it could be heard ry thirty thousand dollars every year since, except one, for before the Senate as a distinct proposition, and the Senate plans and surveys, independent of millions for the making had the power to decide upon it, I would give it, as far as of roads and canals. On the bonus bill, sir, in 1817, only I should be able, the best consideration its importance one fortnight after I first took my seat in the Senate, I made would demand; but it is utterly out of the question for a my stand. I voted against that bill in all its modifications. speaker to investigate and descant upon a mere speculative And I think, sir, I understood it as well then as I do now. political question, where no results are to be expected, as I understood it then to be a political speculation, and a he would feel himself bound to do were the question a speculation in violation of the constitution of my country. real one, from which some solid and permanent good was In 1820 or 1821, when it was contemplated to extend the to flow, instead of one that should yield little more than an Cumberland road, a resolution was submitted to the Sen- opportunity of making a speech to raise his own fame. ate by General Lacock, then a Senator from Pennsylvania, But, as it has been the course, in this erratic flight of the to appropriate ten thousand dollars for a survey. I op- Senate, that has drawn into its vortex any thing and every posed it. On that occasion I stood alone,except that my wor- thing, civil, religious, and political, as the speaker may thy friend Mr. Macon, who I regret is not here, voted have thought fit to select, and this has been selected as with me. I was then told that nothing would be asked of one choice subject by those who have gone before me, I the Government but to survey. I replied, if you make will offer a few unpremeditated remarks. the survey, you must make the road. My prediction has For the judges of the United States I entertain the highbeen fully verified; the road has been extended every est respect, both in their judicial character as well as in SENATE.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [FEB. 26, 1830. the party politics of other times. A contest had arisen, with the moment and be forgotten; but the records and of a singular character; which was, whether the Eastern journals of Congress, as far back as the revolutionary States, or the Southern States, had been most friendly and war, have been ransacked and hunted up, and brought magnanimous in promoting the growth and advancing into the Senate--the speeches, and the yeas and nays, read, the interests of the States in the West. And in solving that to establish the inconsistency of each other; and, more. question, the controversy had assumed a new aspect, and over, all this has gone abroad to adorn the public prints, had been converted into one upon parties and party politics, and mingle in the party strifes of the day. of the most violent and personal character, between the gen- When such scenes as these are playing off in the Sentleman from South Carolina [Mr. HAYNE] and the gentle- ate chamber, with open doors, and a crowded audience, man from Massachusetts [Mr. WEBSTER] The gentle- if it be not a duty, it is at least justifiable, for those who man from South Carolina had brought before the Senate a are conscious of having pursued a different course, to full view of the old federal party of 1798. He had carried avow it in self-defence. In those accusings and defendit back to the whig and tory parties of England, and de-ings, in the course of this debate, a great deal of that rived the federal party from the tory party of that coun- kind of egotism which they necessarily involved had try. He had brought before the Senate the Hartford Con- been indulged. I will beg leave to indulge a little in vention, and read its journals, to prove that a settled pur- this egotistic style also. If any occasion will palliate this pose had existed in the New England States, to dissolve the request, it must be such as the present. Union. He had brought before the Senate the Olive Branch, I have had the honor of acting an humble part in puband read many of its choice paragraphs, to illustrate the lic stations from an early period of my life; I have been violent opposition in New England to the late war between eleven years in this Senate, and if it were not too ostenthe United States and Great Britain: and concluded with tatious, I would invoke a scrutiny of my own votes and the "coalition," the ghost of which he supposed had political opinions. I fear no challenges for inconsistent haunted the gentleman's [Mr. WEBSTER'S] imagination, votes; I fear no Journals, no yeas and nays. I claim no and, like the ghost of "Banquo, would never down." exemption from human fallibility. I may have given The gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. WEBSTER] in many erroneous votes, but am conscious I have never reply to these charges of political heresy, says he had no-given an inconsistent vote, or held, at any time, inconsisthing to do with the Hartford Convention; that he had ne-tent political opinions. If I have, I ask them to be prover read its journals; and if its ghost, like the ghost of claimed. Banquo, had risen to haunt the imagination of any body, The origin of parties is as old as the Government itself. "it could not shake its gory locks at him." And, in his turn, When the division between the federalists and republibrings charges against South Carolina, and says, "other cans first took place, the parties were nearly balanced, as conventions, of more recent existence, had gone farther regarded numbers, and as regarded talents; and were, than the Hartford Convention;" and named what he called moreover, pretty equally dispersed throughout the Unit "the Colleton and Edgefield Conventions;" and read the ed States. But all parties unanimously concurred in the proceedings of the Colleton meeting of 1828, after the enact-election of General Washington to the Presidency. At iment of the tariff law of that year. These proceedings, the close of his administration, the distinction of parties he argued, were more inflammatory, and tended more to was fully developed, and the contest for supremacy be disunion, than the proceedings of the Hartford Convention tween the two parties commenced. The federal party could possibly do. succeeded in the election of Mr. Adams, the elder. He If these conventions, as they have been called, have ex- had been a revolutionary man, of distinguished fame, and isted, either in New England or South Carolina, they are his party, a little the strongest, placed him in the Presi not chargeable to me. And should the ghosts of either, dency, as the successor of General Washington. And or all of them, arise, to haunt the imaginations of any con- Mr. Jefferson, who then stood at the head of the repub cerned, I can exclaim, with the gentleman from Massa- lican party, was elected Vice President. The federal chusetts, "hey cannot shake their gory locks at me." party, considering themselves firmly fixed at the head of There has been much crimination and recrimination Government, for the next eight years at least, the better between those two gentlemen. One reproaches the other to secure the acquisition, and perpetuate their power, enwith political tergiversation, and it is reciprocated. The acted the alien and sedition laws. The country became gentleman from South Carolina says the gentleman from alarmed at this high-handed measure, and the republican Massachusetts had distinguished himself, whilst a member party, very justly, laid hold of it to show the dangerous of the House of Representatives, in 1824, in opposition to tendency of augmenting the strength of the General the tariff; but in 1828, took a different course in the Senate, Government by the constructive powers of the constitu and supported the tarifi The gentleman from Massachu- tion "to provide for the public good and general welsetts, on his part, says, the gentleman from South Carolina, fare." The consequences were, that the republican parin 1824, while the act to procure the necessary plans and sur-ty gained strength from this, and other circumstances, veys of roads and canals, "which covered the whole subject and at the next Presidential election elected Mr. Jeffer of Internal Improvement," was under discussion, opposed son over Mr. Adams. They held the power until the every modification of the law that tended to diminish the late war commenced, and through that war, until its ter power of Congress over that subject, but that he had since mination, and the restoration of peace. The federal shifted his ground, and had become opposed to Internal Im-party were universally opposed to the war, at its com provements. The speeches, the yeas and nays, and the mencement. The federalists of the Northern States, and Senate Journals, have all been produced and read in the many others, elsewhere, continued their opposition Senate, to substantiate those mutual accusations. Other throughout the war. But the war having terminated members of the Senate, who have shared in this debate, triumphantly for the United States, the federalists soon have pursued the same course of crimination and recrimi- became too enfeebled to act any longer as a party. And nation; charging and proving on their opponents, whom having no fixed object, some turned republicans, and, be soever they may happen to be, that they had held and ing new converts, like all other new converts, became maintained, at different times, different opinions upon the exceedingly devout. Many respectable men amongst them, same political subjects; and had voted on the one side at not disposed to abandon principles which they had hoone time, and on the other side at another time, as party nestly adopted, retired to private life. One portion, howinterest or party feelings might dictate. These recripro- ever, in the State of New York, about forty in number, cal vituperations have not been the result of a sudden gust the better to provide for themselves, made a formal re of ardent feelings, or unguarded expressions, to pass off nunciation of their principles, in a public address, in |