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SENATE.]

The Graduation Bill.

MAY 7, 1830.

should even ask information. The Senator from Massa- at public auction, and a purchase refused of those remainchusetts, [Mr. WEBSTER,] when, at the close of his speech, ing. They had since been picked over and culled at pri on the resolution instructing the Committee on Public vate sale, from three to thirty years, and nobody had been Lands to inquire and report on this subject, he moved its found willing to buy the refuse left, at one dollar twenty. indefinite postponement, probably was not aware of the five cents. Did not these facts alone warrant a presumption fact, that every member of this committee resided in those that the lands thus left were less valuable than those which States in which the public lands are located, and that their had been taken? Could any inference be more fair or lemouths were sealed up by instructions from their own gitimate? But, beside this, we had already had the full Legislatures! and that no report could be expected from and accurate statements of the land officers, which this me them, without instructions from the Senate! This motion tion appeared to suppose were not before us; we already has been pronounced extraordinary. Sir, it is surely not had, and, on the second reading of the bill, it would be remore extraordinary than the course adopted by the Sena- membered, he read those statements on a number of points, tors who opposed the resolution for inquiry, and the de- as they had been laboriously condensed into a tabular form bate which followed. Mr. F. said, that while he held a by one of the friends of the bill. From them it appeared, seat in the Senate, he should take the liberty of deciding by persons most competent to judge, that the average value for himself as to the propriety of his course in relation to of all these lands was not only low at one dollar per acre, the interests of his own State and the whole Union, with- but that in only five or six districts were they worth se in the rules of the Senate. Since the resolution for in- venty-five cents per acre. How then could any person ar quiry had been so strongly opposed, he had examined the gue, with these returns before them, that there was no subject as far as his time would permit; but could not go evidence of the inferior quality of these lands, or that through the voluminous land laws embracing 1,000 pages they were not worth over one dollar per acre? or more. But he had found one provision in the act of 24th April, 1820, which had not been noticed by any of the Senators, either on this bill or the resolution, and which was sufficient to prevent him from voting for the bill in its present shape. Mr. F. read from the third section: "But no lands shall be sold, either at public or private sale, at a less sum than one dollar twenty-five cents per acre." Here the Government has pledged its faith to the purchaser under the system of cash sales--that these lands shall not be sold at a less price, to the injury of the purchaser. He was not prepared to say whether this pledge would embrace lands in market previous to the act of 1820. But they certainly did embrace all lands since brought into market. He wished to ascertain the quantity in market previous to the passage of that act, and its quality, and what provisions might be properly made for the disposition of the lands which had been long in market for the benefit of the actual settler. This bill furnished no system. It only reduced all lands in market prior to 1827 to one dollar to purchasers, and seventy-five cents to settlers; and we had no information on which we could calculate the effects, either upon the revenue or the land system. This was his object in the motion--not from motives of hostility to the West. Some of his nearest friends resided in the West.

Mr. WOODBURY said, it was obvious to the Senate, from what took place at the former reading of this bill, that his position in relation to it was very peculiar.

Another singular circumstance in these returns was, that the lands which had been the longest in the market, say from eight to twenty years, and which the gentleman from Massachusetts thought might be less valuable, and should be put lower than those which had been offered a shorter time, were, in truth, the most valuable of the whole.

If a discrimination was made at all, it should be against them; because they were situated in the oldest States at the Northwest in smaller parcels, and, though of inferior quality, were enhanced in value by the improvements in their neighborhood, and by the utility of them as appen dages to the farms of old settlers. But only a single dis trict of all those was appraised at an average value, over a dollar per acre, while the great mass of the lands embrac ed in this bill was appraised as low as, if not lower, than fifty cents per acre.

Gentlemen could examine these official statements in detail; and it would be found, that they not only rendered the motion for a reference unnecessary, but they contained decisive testimony in support of the fair presumption of common sense, that when large tracts of land had for years been offered for sale, both in public and private, in large or small quantities, at one dollar twenty-five cents per acre, and many millions of acres picked out and purchased, the residue must be of inferior quality.

On such proof, he thought the bill a just measure, and would frankly avow, that after all the lands worth a dollar This position made the remarks of gentlemen from the per acre had been sold in conformity to its provisions, he East against the measure bear so directly on him personally, should not hesitate, in equal satisfactory testimony, to sup and on the solitary vote from that quarter, his sense of pub-port a reduction of the price of the remaining refuse tracts lic duty had required him to make, as to furnish, he hoped, a sufficient apology for a few seconds, a reply to the member from Massachusetts, [Mr. WEBSTER.]

to what might be proved to be their fair value. This would be right, as regards the interests of all. He made no claims for it, as peculiarly liberal, but should ne The motion now under consideration, for a reference, ver shrink from advocating what he believed to be right. and consequently a defeat of the bill the present session, is Mr. WEBSTER supported Mr. FOOT'S motion in a professed to be grounded on the want of information as to speech of considerable length, to which Mr. KANE rethe real value of the lands within the purview of its provi-plied. sions; and the member from Massachusetts seems to sup- Mr. HENDRICKS said, that the proposition now be port the motion on the hypothesis that there is no evidence fore the Senate was to refer the bill to the Commissioner now before the Senate, to show these lands to be of an in- of the General Land Office for a report, which it would referior quality to those which have already been sold, at the quire much time to make. It was well known that that price of one dollar twenty-five cents per acre. officer, for many weeks past, had been unable to attend It gave him pleasure to find that the second section, mak- to the duties of his office, and that this direction of the ing a discrimination in price favorable to the actual settlers, bill would be its certain postponement for the present ses was thought judicious; and, therefore, he should only at- sion. He appealed to the magnanimity of the Senate, on tempt to recal to the recollection of the Senate those cir- the unfairness of such a course, and hoped that the Senate cumstances which were now in their possession, and which, would not indirectly defeat a bill which was most certainly to his mind, furnished plenary proof that these lands were favored by a majority of the body. The information wishinferior in quality, and ought to be sold at a reduced price. ed for was in possession of the Senate, and had been reHe should not go over the detail of a former day's deferred to in progress of the debate. The Commissioner bate, but state, generally, that the lands had all been offered of the General Land Office could have no other infor

2

L

MAY 7, 1830.]

The Graduation Bill.

[SENATE.

muation, and could do no more than refer to it on our files, the line of march to the new States, who had not before or, perhaps, throw it into a more condensed form. The thought of it; and this state of things would not only betSenator from Massachusetts [Mr. WEBSTER] seems to be ter the condition of those who go, but of those who stay favorable to the principles of this bill, but the details do in the old States: for, to those who stay, industry would not please him. He believes that lands of inferior quality have the more sure and liberal reward, as the hands that ought to be diminished in price; but seems unwilling to were engaged in it should be diminished in numbers. It admit, that having been long in market, and remaining un- was the duty of the Government so to manage its affairs, sold, is evidence of inferior or bad quality, Why, sir, if as to increase, in the greatest degree, the happiness of we wait till we entirely agree on the details of bills, we the people: and, connected with the public lands, this can never legislate; we may adjourn and go home. When could best be done, by increasing the means of becoming did the Senate, or even a majority of the Senate, agree freeholders to those who are already in the country; increasing facility to the emigrating classes of the old States; to the sons of industrious farmers and mechanics of the old States; men of industry and enterprise, whose sphere of action was too much confined in the old States, who have not capital to become farmers, or manufacturers, or merchants, there--such men as have energy enough to change country and climate, and to enter upon new thea tres of life. It is to such as these, more than any other, both of the old States and of the new, that the public lands of right belong. They promise to make the best possible use of them.

on the details of any bill? All we can expect is, to agree on the principle of such bills as this. The details are less important. The details of this bill, perhaps, please not a single member. They do not please me. The bill is not what I think it ought to be, but I shall vote for it, as the best which can at present be done. Because it contains two important principles--that of reducing the price on lands which have been three years and more in market, without purchasers, to one dollar per acre, and that of giving advantages to actual settlers. I shall vote for it, because it goes further than any provision heretofore enacted, in putting the public lands on easy terms, into the In this view of the subject, [said Mr. H.] I feel surhands of the poor--into the hands of the emigrating prised that Senators from the old States should hesitate classes of the old States, and of the agricultural portions about supporting this bill. It is in favor of your constituof the community in general. This is the proper des- ents, gentlemen, as well as the people of the new States, tination of the public lands. By so appropriating them, that this bill provides; and perhaps in a much greater dewe do the greatest good, induce the greatest degree of gree in your favor than in ours. The great mass of sethappiness and national prosperity, with the means placed tlers which this bill invites, must come from the old States. at our disposal. The Senator from Massachusetts would In this view, the interests of the old States and those of go further than the bill; but yet he cannot vote for this bill. the new are precisely the same. It can never be the Mr. H. said, that he, too, would go further than this policy of the Government to chain the citizen to his bill; and it was his purpose to have moved an amendment paternal country and soil, in the dread of transferring poto it. He had one prepared; an amendment proposing|litical power west of the mountains. The great error is, that lands which had been twenty years in market should in viewing the old States and the new as having separate be sold at fifty cents per acre. But, after all the lower and distinct interests in this bill; and in looking at the subminimims of the bill had been stricken out, and the project in a pecuniary point of view, instead of that which a position of the Senator from Alabama, [Mr. MCKINLEY] paternal bosom feels for the welfare, and happiness, and to reduce to fifty cents per acre, in favor of actual settlers, prosperity of its offspring. had also been rejected, he saw it was useless to offer any Let, sir, the emigrating classes of the old States, and further amendment. He regretted, at the time of it, the those who are identified with them by the ties of conrejection of the second minimum, that in the descending sanguinity and affection, once take a right view of this scale; but now believed that that rejection was fortunate, question, and all will be right. It will then be seen that because the bill had yet as much weight as it could get the just views of the new States, in reference to the public along with. It was [said Mr. H.] a proposition to which lands, are not appreciated by the Representatives of the all would agree, that lands of inferior quality ought not to old States, because by them not well understood, or, if be kept in market at the same price as the best lands. understood, that they are kept in the back ground by The districts of country, for instance, bordering on the natural prejudices of the old States-prejudices in the Ohio river, were more rough, and of worse quality, favor of wealth and political power; honest prejudices, than lands further back. In the State he had the honor entertained by the most enlightened and the best of men. to represent, a large portion of these lands had been in This subject seems right in the old States; and the young market from twenty to thirty years. These lands were men of those States would, with one voice, declare in still held at the same price as the best lands in the country; favor of the policy of the West. Every one of the comand the consequence was, that the country remote from munity, not fettered by property-not to the land of his the river was more densely settled than many portions of birth, would accord in declaring in favor of an asylum in the West, to be procured on the easiest terms, for the surplus population of the East and the South. Then there would be a union of opinion in our favor; and in this state of public sentiment, their Representatives would unite with us, in preparing, in the new States, homes and firesides for such portion of their population as can never expect to enjoy these inestimable blessings in the land of their fathers.

it near the river.

It had been stated, in the progress of this debate, [said Mr. H.] that lands remaining a long time in market, unsold, was no evidence of bad quality; but of the fact that there were not purchasers, that there was too much of the article for the demand. But surely the opinion, that the surplus population of this country requires no more of the public lands than have heretofore been sold, cannot be correct. Who could look abroad in the community, Mr. BENTON rose to say, that all the information prowithout seeing thousands, and tens of thousands, who fessed to be called for by the resolution was already in would better their condition, by abandoning their present possession of the Senate, obtained by it long since, and pursuits, and becoming cultivators of the soil? The peo-printed by its order; and that any reference that should ple of this and every country would betake themselves to now be made of the bill, by sending it to the Commisagriculture, just in proportion to the, means within their sioner of the General Land Office, in search of informapower of engaging in it; for that, more than any other, was tion, would be to send it from the place where the inforthe occupation to which man was naturally inclined. Then let the public domain be put more certainly within the power of the poor, and we would see thousands taking up

VOL. VI.-54

mation was, and to the place where it was not. He considered the motion of reference as a motion to get rid of the bill altogether, and that not in the usual way, by a di

SENATE.]

The Graduation Bill.

[MAY 7, 1830.

rect and responsible vote, but in a most unusual and ex- tled, and not particularly valuable for timber, is from fiftraordinary mode. He hoped the Senate, by a decisive teen to sixty cents per acre." "About thirty years ago, vote, would discountenance that mode of proceeding, and the Commonwealth of Massachusetts sold to the late Wilbring the bill to its issue in an open, fair, parliamentary way, liam Bingham two and a half millions of acres at ten cents, by a direct vote upon its passage. The bill was now at (I believe,) and his estate will never be able to obtain the the very last stage; it was ready for the very last--for the interest of the capital, and the expenses of management." yeas and nays on its final passage. Its friends are ready, Mr. B. adverted to the advertisement which he had read and willing, to risk its fate; and its enemies should let some days ago, fixing the minimum prices of many disthem have fair play and decisive action. Mr. B. remark-tricts of the public lands in Maine at twenty and twentyed upon the length of time which the bill had been de- five cents per acre, and to the fact that these were new pending, the fulness of the discussions which had here- lands, never before in market, and offered on credits of tofore taken place, and the complete knowledge which one, two, and three years at these low prices, and drew every Senator must have of the subject in 1824. He had the inference that the graduation, as it originally stood, first moved the subject in a bill containing nearly similar and much more since its amendment, had gone too high provisions to the graduation bill as now amended. The instead of too low in its prices; for it demanded more for first bill provided for the reduction of the price of public refuse lands which had been picked many years under the lands, after five years' exposure to sale, to a minimum of laws of the United States; and some of them, as in Misfifty cents per acre, and a denation to actual settlers out souri, Illinois, Arkansas, Louisiana, Florida, and part of of the land which would not sell for fifty cents. That bill Mississippi, for fifty and a hundred years under the Briwas condemned in toto by the land committee; and its tish, French, and Spaniards, before the United States acchairman, in a verbal report which he was directed to quired the possession of them. make, censured the whole plan as premature and impro- Mr. B. read the bill which he had first introduced for per, and stated that he was instructed to move its indefinite selling the refuse lands of the United States, and making postponement. After this decisive condemnation of the provision for actual settlers; and argued that it was, in plan of reducing the price of the unsold and unsaleable principle, nearly the same with the graduation bill as now lands, and making donations to actual settlers, the gradua- amended. tion plan was adopted, being copied from the land laws The following is the bill, and the report of the commit

"A bill to sell and dispose of the refuse lands of the United States.

of the State of Tennessee, where the system of gradua- tee against it: ted prices had been tried, and worked well. The plan "IN SENATE OF THE U. S. April 28, 1824. had been submitted to the Western States and Territories, and met their approbation; it had been repeatedly discuss-leave to bring in the following bill; which was read, and "Agreeably to notice, Mr. BENTON asked and obtained ed in the Senate, and very nearly adopted by it. The amendment now made retained its two first clauses and passed to a second reading. distinguishing characteristic; they retained the one dollar price to non-settlers, and the seventy-five cents price to settlers. The remaining clauses, struck out, could not be "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representaused at present, even if retained, and the bill should pass. tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, They could only come into operation several years hence, That the lands belonging to the United States, which have and before that time they can be adopted. Their rejec- been heretofore, or shall be hereafter, offered at public tion, at present, is a postponement to obviate the objec- sale, and shall remain five years after being so offered, tions of some gentlemen, and does not prevent their adop-without being sold at the minimum price of one dollar and tion at a future day, if the people desire it, and Congress twenty-five cents per acre, shall be again offered at public should be convinced of its justice. If the bill should pass sale, but shall not be sold for a less sum than fifty cents as amended, there will be three prices for the public per acre. lands, instead of one price, as at present. The first price "SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That any head of a will be for the new lands, and will be one dollar and twen- family, or young man, above twenty-one years of age, or ty-five cents per acre. The second price will be for the widow, being citizens of the United States, may demand old lands, which have been exposed both to public auction and receive from the Register and Receiver of the proper and afterwards to private sale, for three years and up- land office, a written permission to take possession of, wards, and will be one dollar per acre to non-settlers. and settle upon, any half-quarter section of land which The third price will be for actual settlers, at seventy-five shall remain unsold, after having been offered for sale cents per acre, and will be limited to the old lands, and at the minimum price of fifty cents per acre; and, upon inrestricted to the quantity of one quarter section. This habiting and cultivating the same for three successive years, would be doing something for the people; it would be a shall be entitled to receive a patent therefor, as a donagreat deal, and would command the thanks and benedic- tion from the United States. tions of ten States and Territories. It would present a just graduation of prices as far as it went, and would establish the obvious distinction between old and new lands, the picked and the unpicked districts, which the nature of things requires, and would also make the discrimination between actual settlers and speculators, which all profess to admire, but which our laws have never yet recognised. Mr. B. read a letter from a gentleman in Maine, to show "Mr. BARTON, the chairman of the committee, statthe terms on which that State and Massachusetts were ed that the committee believed the system proposed in selling their public land, which Massachusetts had not this bill incompatible with the full and fair execution of given up when Virginia and other States gave up theirs, the present system of raising revenue from the public and proved by the letter that the prices which they sold lands for the discharge of our national debt; as the profor were far below the prices in the graduation bill, and mulgation of the system now proposed would have the yet that speculators could not buy, even at their low rates, effect of preventing public sales, and private sales at the without being ruined. The letter said, "The average present minimum price; for few would buy when, by waitprice of land by the township, meaning townships unset-ing a few years, they might get the lands at fifty cents per

Mr. Barton.

"SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That the lands which shall remain unsold, after having been offered at public sale at the minimum price of fifty cents per acre, may be sold at private sale for that sum, at any time before a permission shall have been granted to settle on the same.' "MAY 3, 1824.

acre. However proper the proposed plan might become hereafter, the committee deemed it premature and im

MAY 8, 10, 1830.]

Sunday Mails.-Turnpike Road to Fredericktown.

proper at this time; and had, therefore, instructed him to
move the indefinite postponement of this bill when it
should be taken up for consideration."

The bill was further debated by Messrs. DICKERSON,
SPRAGUE, MCKINLEY, NOBLE, and ELLIS.
When the question was taken, the motion of Mr. Foor
was rejected by the following vote:

YEAS-Messrs. Bell, Burnet, Clayton, Foot, Naudain,
Robbins, Seymour, Webster-8.

NAYS-Messrs. Adams, Barnard, Barton, Benton, Bibb, Brown, Chase, Dickerson, Dudley, Ellis, Forsyth, Frelinghuysen, Grundy, Hayne, Hendricks, Holmes, Iredell, Johnston, Kane, King, Knight, Livingston, McKinley, McLean, Marks, Noble, Rowan, Ruggles, Sanford, Smith, of South Carolina, Sprague, Tazewell, Troup, Tyler, White, Willey, Woodbury-37.

Mr. BARTON said he had before given his reasons why he should vote for the bill as it was; but it seemed to be his fate to have all he said or did, on this subject, misunderstood or misrepresented. Only a few days ago, he said he had been under the necessity to call upon two members of this body to put down a falsehood in relation to his course on the graduation bill.

The Senators called on had effectually put that misrepresentation to rest. This morning he found that even the National Intelligencer had, by mistake, put him down as having moved to lay the bill on the table yesterday.

[SENATE.

sal practice of reporters, had given that vote in the paper, garbled and disconnected--without even naming him on the occasion, except with that view of misrepresentation.

This, he said, was a question for the employers of the Public Printer: whether he should be permitted thus to garble, misrepresent, and falsify the debates and proceedings of the Senate, in a manner to which no man, above the grade of a hireling spy, and falsifier of the debate, would descend.

The bill was then ordered to a third reading by the following vote:

YEAS-Messrs. Adams, Barton, Benton, Bibb, Brown, Ellis, Forsyth, Grundy, Hayne, Hendricks, Iredell, Johnston, Kane, King, Livingston, McKinley, McLean, Noble, Rowan, Ruggles, Tazewell, Troup, White, Woodbury-24. NAYS--Messrs. Barnard, Bell, Burnet, Chase, Clayton, Dickerson, Dudley, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Holmes, Knight, Marks, Naudain, Robbins, Sanford, Seymour, Silsbee, Smith, of South Carolina, Sprague, Tyler, Webster, Willey--22.

The title was then amended, to read "An act to reduce the price of a portion of the public lands heretofore in market, and to grant a preference to actual settlers."

SATURDAY, MAY 8, 1830.
SUNDAY MAILS.

He was now under the necessity of calling on the whole Senate, without regard to party, to bear witness to a falOn motion by Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN, the resolution sification of the debate and proceedings upon this bill on submitted by him on the 10th March last, and subsequentthe 6th instant, by the Printer to the Senate, in an editorial ly laid on the table, "to instruct the Committee on the article. He had then publicly stated his reasons why he Post Office and Post Roads to report a bill repealing so would vote for the reduction proposed, and why he would much of the act on the regulation of post offices as requires vote for the minimum of seventy-five cents per acre to acthe delivery of letters, packets, and papers on the Sabtual settlers; that he thought a difference of twenty-five bath, and further to prohibit the transportation of the mail cents per acre, between the person who had gone on the on that day," was resumed, and an interesting debate land and the other common owners of this public proper- Mr. LIVINGSTON opposed, the resolution; after which, arose, in which Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN advocated, and ty, was a sufficient preference to the actual settler over the other purchasers of the public lands; and should there. it was laid on the table, at four o'clock, on motion by Mr. fore vote for that minimum, although he had proposed small donations to such settlers in 1828, being disposed to take what seemed to be practicable.

But, he asked, would the Senate believe that not a word was mentioned of all this in the Telegraph?

BIBB.

MONDAY, MAY 10, 1830.

TURNPIKE ROAD TO FREDERICKTOWN.

He did not complain of not having been noticed by the On motion, by Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, the bill authoPublic Printer; but he complained of his having fixed his rizing a subscription of stock in the Washington and eye upon him, and, like a mere spy, watched his rising or Rockville Turnpike Road Company, was resumed. sitting, in a silent vote on the gentleman from Alabama's Mr. DICKERSON opposed the bill chiefly because motion to reduce that minimum to fifty cents, and report-another company had proposed an equally eligible route, ed that vote alone, without any of the concomitant and ex- and to make the road at an expense considerably below planatory statements which accompanied that debate. that proposed by this company. This, he believed, was the first time an editor, whether public printer or not, had fixed his eye, like a mere hire ling spy, upon a member in his seat, seized on a vote silently given, and blazoned it to the public alone, suppressing all the explanations that accompanied the vote. Mr. HENDRICKS said that there was no other comNo man disposed to tell the truth, and the whole truth, pany in existence, but the one named in the bill. It was would be guilty of such a garbled and falsified account of true, however, that certain persons who interfered to dethe proceedings of the body. The only notice taken by lay the passage of this bill at the last session, had applied the Public Printer of his course on that day, was the fol- to the Legislature of Maryland for an act of incorporation, lowing-speaking of the motion to reduce the minimum to which he believed was refused. fifty cents:

Mr. NOBLE inquired whether the gentleman from New Jersey would vote for the bill under any circumstances, even although he should be privileged to select the route.

Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, said that he did not rise to discuss the merits of the bill, as his health, if inclination served, would prevent him; but simply to remark that the Senate was as well prepared to act on the subject at this time as they would ever be, and hoped it would be now decided.

"The vote on this motion was not taken by yeas and nays, but the West was not sufficiently unanimous in favor of it, Mr. BARTON, of Missouri, being against it." Thus placed between two indices, with the single vote given, and all the accompanying explanations and debate cut off and suppressed, there could be no room for doubt of its being a wilful and intentional falsification of the debate and proceedings of the Senate upon that subject. YEAS--Messrs. Barnard, Barton, Benton, Burnet, It proved that the editor of the Telegraph had fixed his Chambers, Chase, Clayton, Dudley, Forsyth, Frelinghuyeye, as a spy, on him; watched a silent vote, which it was sen, Hendricks, Holmes, King, Knight, Livingston, Mcthought would be unpopular; and, contrary to the univer-Kinley, Marks, Naudain, Noble, Robbins, Rowan, Rug

The bill was then ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, by the following vote:

SENATE.]

Reduction of Duties on Coffee, Tea, and Cocoa.

gles, Seymour, Silsbee, Smith, of Maryland, Webster, Willey-27.

NAYS--Messrs. Adams, Bell, Brown, Dickerson, Ellis, Foot, Grundy, Hayne, Iredell, Kane, McLean, Sanford, Smith, of South Carolina, Sprague, Tazewell, Troup, Tyler, White, Woodbury--19.

TEA AND COFFEE.

On motion by Mr. KING, the bill from the House of Representatives "to reduce the duties on coffee, tea, and was taken up in Committee of the Whole, with the amendments of the Committee on Finance of the Sen

cocoa,

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ate thereto.

The first of these amendments, proposing a reduction of the duty on salt from twenty to ten cents the bushel, was opposed by Mr. MARKS, on the ground that as the same proposition had been rejected by the House of Representatives, in the progress of the bill there, it was not probable that any change of sentiment had taken place on the subject since, and thought that the only effect of any amendment to the bill, at this late stage of the session,

would be to defeat it.

[MAY 11, 1830.

They

Burke, Pitt, and Fox--but by plain, business men-Mr.
Calcraft, Mr. Curwen, and Mr. Egerton. These patri
otic members of the British Parliament commenced the
war upon the British salt tax in 1817, and finished it in
1822. They commenced with the omens and auspices all
against them, and ended with complete success.
abolished the salt tax in toto. They swept it all off,
bravely rejecting all compromises when they had got their
adversaries half vanquished, and carrying their appeak
home to the people, until they had roused a spirit before
which the ministry quailed, the monopolizers trembled,
the Parliament gave way, and the tax fell. This example
shows what zeal and perseverance can do in a good cause;
is encouraging; it is full of consolation and of hope; it
it shows that the cause of truth and justice is triumphant
when its advocates are bold and faithful. It leads to the
conviction that the American salt tax will fall as the British
tax did, as soon as the people shall see that its continu-
ance is a burthen to them, without adequate advantage to
the Government, and that its repeal is in their own hands.
The enormous amount of the tax was the first point to
which Mr. B. would direct his attention. He said it was

After some remarks by Mr. HAYNE, in favor of, and by
Mr. SILSBEE, Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, and Mr. JOHN-near three hundred per cent. upon Liverpool blown, and
STON, against the amendment,

Mr. GRUNDY moved to lay the subject on the table, in order that the Senate might proceed to the business specially assigned for this day; which motion was negatived by yeas and nays, 19 to 28.

four hundred per cent. upon alum salt; but as the Liverpool was a very inferior salt, and not much used in the West, he would confine his observations to the salt of of alum. The import price of this salt was from eight to Portugal and the West Indies, called by the general name nine cents a bushel of fifty-six pounds each, and the duty

Mr. HOLMES renewed the motion to lay the bill on the table, for the purpose of considering Executive busi-upon that bushel was twenty cents. Here was a tax of upness, which he thought would occupy the time of the Senate but a short time, when the bill might be resumed; and this motion having prevailed, the remainder of the day was spent in Executive business.

TUESDAY, MAY 11, 1830.

The bill "to reduce the duties on coffee, tea, and cocoa," was, on motion by Mr. SILSBEE, considered in Committee of the Whole, with the amendments reported thereto by the Committee on Finance; and the amendment being in part agreed to,

On the question to agree to the second amendment, as following:

Section 1, line eight, after the word "more," insert, And from and after the thirty-first day of December, 1830, the duty on salt shall be ten cents for every fiftysix pounds, and no more-

it

wards of two hundred per cent. Then the merchant had his profit upon the duty as well as the cost of the article; and got to the consumer, each had his profit upon it; and when it went through the hands of several merchants before whenever this profit amounted to fifty per cent. upon the duty, it was upwards of one hundred per cent. upon the salt. Then, the tariff laws have deprived the consumer of thirty-four pounds in the bushel, by substituting weight for measure, and that weight a false one. The true weight of a measured bushel of alum salt is eighty-four pounds; but the British tariff laws, for the sake of multiplying the bushels, and increasing the products of the tax, substituted weight for measure; and our tariff laws copied after them, and adopted their standard of fifty-six pounds to the bushel.

[Here General SMITH, of Maryland, rose, and said that he had led the Senator from Missouri into an error, in telling him, some time back, that the weight of alum salt It was rejected, 20 to 26. was eighty-four pounds. Subsequent reflection had shown [The following remarks of Mr. BENTON, in con-him that it was below eighty.] nexion with this bill, are all that have been preserved.] Mr. B. resumed his speech. He said, the Senator from Mr. BENTON commenced his speech, by saying that Maryland was not so far wrong in his first information as he was no advocate for unprofitable debate, and had no he supposed; that he [Mr. B.] was informed from other ambition to add his name to the catalogue of barren ora- sources that Turk's Island salt weighed above eighty tors; but that there were cases in which speaking did pounds; and he had a report before him of a committee of good; cases in which moderate abilities produced great the British House of Commons, made in 1817, by Mr. results; and he believed the question of repealing the salt Calcraft, the chairman of the committee, in which the tax to be one of those cases. It had certainly been so in weight of the best Bay of Biscay salt is stated at eightEngland. There the salt tax had been overthrown by four pounds. But let us assume the weight at cigry the labors of plain men, under circumstances much more pounds; and at this weight it is incontestible that the tar fi unfavorable to their undertaking than exist here. The laws have been the means of defrauding the consumer of English salt tax had continued one hundred and fifty thirty pounds in the bushel. For these laws reduce the years. It was cherished by the ministry, to whom it bushel to fifty-six pounds; and the retail merchant and sak yielded a million and a half sterling of revenue; it was manufacturer, improving upon this hint, have made a defended by the domestic salt makers, to whom it gave a further reduction of six pounds, and reduced the busholt, monopoly of the home market; it was consecrated by fifty. This is a loss of three parts in eight--very nur time, having subsisted for five generations; it was fortified one-half--and making the salt cost nearly one hundred per by the habits of the people, who were born, and had cent more. Putting all this together--the duty, the mesgrown gray, under it; and it was canctioned by the neces- chants' profit upon that duty, and the loss in the bushel-sities of the State, which required every resource of rigor- and the duty on alum salt is shown to be near four inous taxation. Yet it was overthrown; and the overthrow dred per cent; in other words, the tax is four times the was effected by two debates, conducted, not by the ora- value of the article, and makes it cost the consumer fir tors whose renown has filled the world-not by Sheridan, times as much as it would cost without the tax. This 's

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