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Jax. 25, 1830.]
Mr. Foot's Resolution.
can only be because all the States are interested in the 1825, however, (a memorable era in the history of this welfare of each-a principle which, carried to the full ex. country) a wonderful change took place in New England, tent, destroys all distinction between local and national ob- in relation to the Western interests. Sir, an extraordinajects, and is certainly broad enough to embrace the prin- ry union of sympathies and of interests was then effected, ciple for which I have ventured to contend. Sir, the true which brought the East and the West into close alliance. difference between us, I take to be this: the gentleman The book from which I have before read contains the first wishes to treat the public lands as a great treasure, just as public annunciation of that happy reconciliation of conflictso much money in the treasury, to be applied to all objects, ing interests, personal and political, which brought the East constitutional and unconstitutional, to which the public and West together, and locked in a fraternal embrace the money is now constantly applied. I consider it as a sacred two great orators of the East and West. Sir, it was on trust, which we ought to fulfil, on the principles for which the 18th January, 1825, while the result of the PresidenI have contended.
tial election, in the House of Representatives, was still The Senator from Massachusetts has thought proper to doubtful, while the whole country was looking with inpresent in strong contrast the friendly feelings of the East tense anxiety to that Legislative hall where the mighty towards the West, with sentiments of an opposite charac- drama was so soon to be acted, that we saw the leaders of ter displayed by the South in relation to appropriations for two great parties in the House and in the nation “taking internal improvement. Now, sir, let it be recollected that sweet counsel together," and in a celebrated debate on the the South have made no professions; I have certainly made Cumberland Road fighting side by side for Western internone in their behalf, of regard for the West. It bas been ests It was on that memorable occasion that the Senato: reserved to the gentleman from Massachusetts, while he from Massachusetts held out the white flag to the West, vaunts his own personal devotion to Western interests, and uttered those liberal sentiments, which he, yesterday, to claim for the entire section of country to which he be so indignantly repudiated. Then it was that that happy longs, an ardent friendship for the West, as manifested by union between the members of the celebrated coalition their support of the system of Internal Improvement, was consummated, whose immediate issue was a President while he casts in our teeth the reproach that the South has from one quarter of the Union, with the succession (as it manifested hostility to Western interests in opposing ap- was supposedl) secured to another. The " American Syspropriations for such objects. That gentleman, at the tem,” before, a rude, disjointed, and misshapen mass, same time, acknowledged that the South entertains consti- now assumed form and consistency; then it was, that it betutional scruples on this subject. Are we then, sir, to came “the settled policy of the Government" that this understand, that the gentleman considers it a just subject system should be so administered as to create a reciprocity of reproach, that we respect our oaths, by which we are of interests, and a reciprocal distribution of Government bound" to preserve, protect, and defend, the constitution favors-East and West, (the Tariff and Internal Improveof the United States? Would the gentleman have us ments)--while the South--yes, sir, the impracticable South, manifest our love to the West by trampling under foot our was to be “out of your protection.". The gentleman may constitutional scruples? Does he not perceive, if the boast as much as he pleases of the friendship of New EngSouth is to be reproached with unkindness to the West, in land for the West, as displayed in their support of Intervoting against appropriations, which the gentleman admits, nal Improvement; but, when he next introduces that topic, they could not vote for without doing violence to their I trust that he will tell us when that friendship commencconstitutional opinions, that he exposes himself to the ques-ed, how it was brought about, and why it was established. tion, whether, if he was in our situation, he could vote Before I leave this topic, I must be permitted to say, that for these appropriations, regardless of his scruples? No, the true character of the policy now pursued by the gensir, I will not do the gentleman so great injustice. He has tleman from Massachusetts and his friends, in relation to fallen into this error from not having duly weighed the appropriations of land and money, for the benefit of the force and effect of the reproach which he was endeavor- West, is, in my estimation, very similar to that pursued by ing to cast upon the South. In relation to the other point, Jacob of old towards his brother Esau; “it robs them of the friendship manifested by New England towards the their birthright for a mess of pottage.” West in their support of the system of internal improvement, The gentleman from Massachusetts, in alluding to a rethe gentleman will pardon me for saying that I think he is mark of mine, that, before any disposition could be made equally unfortunate in having introduced that topic. As of the public lands, the national debt (for which they that gentleman has forced it upon us, however, I cannot stand pledged) must be first paid, took occasion to intisuffer it to pass unnoticed. When the gentleman tells us mate “ that the extraordinary fervor which seems to exthat the appropriations for Internal Improvement in the ist in a certain quarter (meaning the South, sir) for the West would, in almost every instance, have failed, but for payment of the debt, arises from a disposition to weaken New England votes, he has forgotten to tell us the when, the ties which bind the people to the Union.” While the the how, and the wherefore, this new-born zeal for the gentleman deals us thuis blow, he professes an ardent' deWest sprimg up in the bosom of New England. If we sire to see the debt speedily extinguished. He must exlook back only a few years, we will find, in both Houses cuse me, however, for feeling some distrust on that subof Congress, an uniform and steady opposition, on the ject until I find this disposition manifested by something part of the members from the Eastern States, generally, to stronger than professions. I shall look for acts, decided all appropriations of this character. At the time I became and unequivocal acts: for the performance of which an a member of this House, and for some time afterwards, a opportunity will very soon (if I am not greatly misdecided majority of the New England Senators were op- taken) be afforded. Sir, if I were at liberty to judge of posed to the very measures which the Senator from Mas- the course which that gentleman would pursue, from the sachusetts tells us they now cordially support. Sir, the principles which he has laid down in relation to this matjournals are before me, and an examination of them will ter, I should be bound to conclude thai he will be found satisfy every gentleman of that fact.
acting with those with whom it is a darling object to preIt must be well known to every one whose experience vent the payment of the public debt. He tells us he is dedates back as far as 1825, that, up to a certain period, New sirous of paying the debt, “because we are under an obEngland was generally opposed to appropriations for in- ligation to discharge it.” Now, sir, suppose it should ternal improvements in the West. The gentleman from happen that the public creditors, with whom we have conMassachusetts may be himself an exception, but if he tracted the obligation, should release us from it, so far vent for the system before 1825, it is certain that his col- as to declare their willingness to wait for payment for fifty leagues did not go with him. In the session of 1824 and years to conie, provided only the interest shall be punc
Mr. Foot's Resolution.
[Jax. 25, 1830.
tually discharged. The gentleman from Massachusetts dent, or necessary, to enlist under his banners the prejuwill then be released from the obligation which now dices of the world, which, like Swiss troops, may be enmakes him desirous of paying the debt; and, let me tell gaged in any cause, and are prepared to serve under any the gentleman, the holders of the stock will not only re- leader? Did he desire to avail himself of those remorselease us from this obligation, but they will implore, nay, less allies, the passions of mankind, of which it may be they will even pay us not to pay them. But, adds the more truly said, than of the savage tribes of the wildergentleman, “ so far as the debt may have an effect in ness, “that their known rule of warfare is an indiscribinding the debtors to the country, and thereby serving minate slaughter of all ages, sexes, and conditions?" Or as a link to hold the states together, he would be glad was it supposed, sir, that, in a premeditated and unprovokthat it should exist forever." Surely then, sir, on the ed attack upon the South, it was advisable to begin by a gentleman's own principles, he must be opposed to the gentle admonition of our supposed weakness, in order to payment of the debt.
prevent us from making that firm and manly resistance, Sir, let me tell that gentleman that the South repudi- due to our own character, and our dearest interest? Was ates the idea that a pecuniary dependence on the Federal the significant hint of the weakness of slave-holding Government is one of the legitimate means of holding the States, when contrasted with the superior strength of free States together. A moneyed interest in the Government is States-like the glare of the weapon half drawn from its essentially a base interest; and just so far as it operates scabbard-intended to enforce the lessons of prudence to bind the feelings of those who are subjected to it to and of patriotism, which the gentleman had resolved, out the Government; just so far as it operates in creating of his abundant generosity, gratuitously to bestow upon us? sympathies and interests that would not otherwise exist; (said Mr. H.] The impression whichhas gone abroad, is it opposed to all the principles of free government, and of the weakness of the South, as connected with the slave at war with virtue and patriotism. Sir, the link which question, exposes us to such constant attacks, has done us binds the public creditors, as such, to their country, binds so much injury, and is calculated to produce such infithem equally to all governments, whether arbitrary or nite mischiefs, that I embrace the occasion presented by free. In a free government, this principle of abject de- the remarks of the gentleman from Massachusetts, to de pendence, if extended through all the ramifications of so- clare that we are ready to meet the question promptly ciety, must be fatal to liberty. Already have we made and fearlessly. It is one from which we are not disposed alarming strides in that direction. The entire class of to shrink, in whatever form or under whatever circummanufacturers, the holders of stocks, with their hundreds stances it may be pressed upon us. We are ready to of millions of capital, are held to the Government by the make up the issue with the gentleman, as to the influence strong link of pecuniary interests; millions of people, en- of slavery on individual and national character--on the tire sections of country, interested, or believing themselves prosperity and greatness, either of the United States, or to be so, in the public lands, and the public treasure, are of particular States. Sir, when arraigned before the bar bound to the Government by the expectation of pecuniary of public opinion, on this charge of slavery, we can stand favors. If this system is carried much further, no man up with conscious rectitude, plead not guilty, and put can fail to see that every generous motive of attachment ourselves upon God and our country. Sir, we will not to the country will be destroyed, and in its place will consent to look at slavery in the abstract. We will not spring up those low, grovelling, base, and selfish feelings stop to inquire whether the black man, as some philosowhich bind men to the footstool of a despot by bonds as phers have contended, is of an inferior race, nor whether strong and as enduring as those which attach them to free his color and condition are the effects of a curse inflicted institutions. Sir, I would lay the foundation of this Gov. for the offences of his ancestors. We deal in no abstracernment in the affections of the People; I would teach tions. We will not look back to inquire whether our them to cling to it by dispensing equal justice, and, above fathers were guiltless in introducing slaves into this counall, by securing the “ blessings of liberty to themselves try. If an inquiry should ever be instituted in these matand to their posterity.”
ter's, however, it will be found that the profits of the slave The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts has gone trade were not confined to the South Southern ships out of his way to pass a high eulogium on the State of and Southern sailors were not the instruments of bringing Ohio. In the most impassioned tones of eloquence, he slaves to the shores of America, nor did our merchants described her majestic march to greatness. He told us reap the profits of that “accursed traffic.” But, sir, that, having already left all the other States far behind, we will pass over all this. If slavery, as it now exists in she was now passing by Virginia, and Pennsylvania, and this country, be an evil, we of the present day found it about to take her station by the side of New York. To all ready made to our hands. Finding our lot cast among a this, sir, I was disposed most cordially to respond. When, people, whom God had manifestly committed to our care, however, the gentleman proceeded to contrast the State we did not sit down to speculate on abstract questions of of Ohio with Kentucky, to the disadvantage of the latter, theoretical liberty. We met it as a practical question of I listened to him with regret; and when he proceeded fur- obligation and duty. We resolved to make the best of ther to attribute the great, and, as he supposed, acknow- the situation in which Providence had placed us, and to ledged superiority of the former in population, wealth, fulfil the high trust which had devolved upon us as and general prosperity, to the policy of Nathan Dane, of the owners of slaves, in the only way in which such a Massachusetts, which had secured to the people of Ohio trust could be fulfilled, without spreading misery and ruin (by the ordinance of '87) a population of freemen, I will throughout the land. We found that we had to deal with a confess that my feelings suffered a revulsion, which I am people whose physical, moral, and intellectual habits and now unable to describe in any language sufficiently re- character, totally disqualified them from the enjoyment of spectful towards the gentleman from Massachusetts. In the blessings of freedom. We could not send them back contrasting the State of Ohio with Kentucky, for the pur- to the shores from whence their fathers had been taken; pose of pointing out the superiority of the former, and of their numbers forbade the thought, even if we did not attributing that superiority to the existence of slavery, in know that their condition here is infinitely preferable to the one State, and its absence in the other, I thought I what it possibly could be among the barren sands and sacould discern the very spirit of the Missouri question in- vage tribes of Africa; and it was wholly irreconcileable truded into this debate, for objects best known to the with all our notions of humanity to tear asunder the tengentleman himself. Did that gentleman, sir, when he der ties which they had formed among us, to gratify the formed the determination to cross the southern border, in feelings of a false philanthropy. What a commentary on order to invade the State of South Carolina, deem it pru- the wisdom, justice, and humanity, of the Southern slave
Jax. 25, 1830.]
Mr. Foot's Resolution.
owner is presented by the example of certain benevolent not true, as has been supposed, that the advantages of this associations and charitable individuals elsewhere. Shed-labor is confined almost exclusively to the Southern States. ding weak tears over sufferings which had existence only Sir, I am thoroughly convinced that, at this time, the in their own sickly imaginations, these “ friends of hu- States North of the Potomac actually derive greater promanity" set themselves systematically to work to seduce fits from the labor of our slaves, than we do ourselves. It the slaves of the South from their masters. By means of appears, from our public documents, that, in seven years, missionaries and political tracts, the scheme was in a great (from 1821 to 1827 inclusive) the six Southern States ex. measure successful. Thousands of these deluded victims ported to the amount of one hundred and ninety millions of fanaticism were seduced into the enjoyment of free-three hundred and thirty-seven thousand two hundred and dom in our Northern cities. And what has been the con- eighty-one dollars; and imported to the value of fifty-five sequence! Go to these cities now, and ask the question. millions six hundred and forty-six thousand three hundred Visit the dark and narrow lanes, and obscure recesses, and one dollars. Now, the difference between these two which have been assigned by common consent as the sums, near one hundred and forty millions of dollars, pass. abodes of those outcasts of the world--the free people of ed through the hands of the Northern merchants, and encolor. Sir, there does not exist, on the face of the whole abled them to carry on their commercial operations with earth, a population so poor, so wretched, so vile, so loath- all the world. Such part of these goods as found its way some, so utterly destitute of all the comforts, convenien- back to our hands, came charged with the duties, as well ces, and decencies of life, as the unfortunate blacks of as the profits of the merchant, the ship owner, and a host Philadelphia, and New York, and Boston. Liberty has of others, who found employment 'in carrying on these been to them the greatest of calamities, the heaviest of immense exchanges; and, for such part as was consumed curses. Sir, I have had some opportunities of making at the North, we received in exchange Northern manufaccomparisons between the condition of the free negroes of tures, charged with an increased price, to cover all the the North and the slaves of the South, and the compari- taxes which the Northern consumer had been compelled son has left not only an indelible impression of the supe- to pay on the imported article. It will be seen, therefore, rior advantages of the latter, but has gone far to reconcile at a glance, how much slave labor has contributed to the me to slavery itself. Never have I felt so forcibly that wealth and prosperity of the United States; and how touching description, “the foxes have holes, and the largely cur Northern brethren have participated in the birds of the air have nests, but the son of man hath -not profits of that labor. Sir, on this subject I will quote an. Where to lay his bead,” as when I have seen this unhappy authority which will, I doubt not, be considered by the race, naked and houseless, almost starving in the streets, Senator from Massachusetts as entitled to high respect. It and abandoned by all the world. Sir, I have seen in the is from the great father of the American System-honest neighborhood of one of the most moral, religious, and Mathew Carey; no great friend, it is true, at this time, to refined cities of the North, a family of free blacks, driven Southern rights and Southern interests, but not the worst to the caves of the rock, and there obtaining a precari- authority, on that account, on the point in question.. ous subsistence from charity and plunder.
Speaking of the relative importance to the Union of the When the gentleman from Massachusetts adopts and Southern and the Eastern States, Mathew Carey, in the reiterates the old charge of weakness as resulting from sixth edition of his “ Olive Branch,” page 278, after exhislaver, , I must be permitted to call for the proof of those biting a number of statistical tables, to show the decided blighting effects which he ascribes to its influence. I sus- superiority, of the former, thus proceeds: pect that when the subject is closely examined, it will be “But I am tired of this investigation. I sicken for the found that there is not much force even in the plausible honor of the human species. What idea must the world djection of the want of physical power in slave holding form of the arrogarce of the pretensions on the one side, States. The power of a country is compounded of its (the East) and of the folly and weakness of the rest of the population and its wealth; and, in modern times, where, Union, to have so long suffered them to pass without exfrom the very form and structure of society, by far the posure and detection The naked fact is, that the demagreater portion of the people musi, even during the con- gogues in the Eastern States, not satisfied with deriving tinuance of the most desolating wars, be employed in the all the benefit from the Southern section of the Union cultivation of the soil, and other peaceful pursuits, it may that they would from so many wealthy colonies; with makbe well doubted whether slave holding States, by reason ing princely fortunes by the carriage and exportation of of the superior value of their productions, are not able to its bulky and valuable productions, and supplying it with maintain a number of troops in the field, fully equal to their own manufactures, and the productions of Europe, what could be supported' by States with a larger white and the East and West Indies, to an enormous amount, population, but not possessed of equal resources. and at an immense profit, have uniformly treated it with
It is a popular error to suppose, that, in any possible outrage, insult, and injury. And, regardless of their vital state of things, the people of a country could ever be call- interests, the Eastern States were lately courting their own ed out in masst, or that a half, or a third, or even a fifth destruction, by allowing a few restless, turbulent men, ta part of the physical force of any country could ever be lead them blindfold to a separation, which was pregnant brought into the field. The difficulty is not to procure with their certain ruin. Whenever that event takes place
nen, but to provide the means of maintaining thim; and they sink into insignificance. If a separation were desirin this view of the subject, it may be asked whether the able to any part of the Union, it would be to the Middle Southern States are not a source of strength and power, and Southern States, particularly the latter, who have and not of weakness, to the country? whether they have been so long harassed with the complaints, the restlessnot contributed, and are not now contributing, largely, to ness, the turbulence, and the ingratitude, of the Eastern the wealth and prosperity of every State in this Union? States, that their patience has been tried almost beyond From a statement which I hold in my hand, it appears endurance. “Jeshuru waxed fat and kicked;' and he will tha;, in ten years (from 1818 to 1827 inclusive) the whole be severely punished for his kicking, in the event of a disamount of the domestic exports of the United States was solution of the Union.” fire hundred and twenty-one millions eight hundred and Sir, I wish it to be distinctly understood that I do not eleven thousand and forty-five dollars. Of which, three adopt these sentiments as my own. I quote them to show articles, the product of slave labor, namely, cotton, rice, and that very different sentiments bave prevailed in former tobacco, amounted to three hundred and thirty-nine millions times, as to the weakness of the sleve holding States, from two hundred and three thousand two hundred and thirty- those which now seem to have become fashionable in certain t*0 dollars; equal to about two-thirds of the whole. It is quarters. I know it has been supposed, by certain ill in
Mr. Foot's Resolution.
[Jan, 25, 1830.
formed persons, that the South exists only by the counte fatal effects of slavery upon character; if any one can say nance and protection of the North. Sir, this is the idlest that, for noble disinterestedness, ardent love of country, of all idle and ridiculous fancies that ever entered into the exalted virtue, and a pure and holy devotion to liberty, mind of man. In every State of this Union, except one, the people of the Southern States have ever been surpas. the free white population actually preponderates; while in sed by any in the world. I know, sir, that this devotion to the British West India Islands, where the average white liberty has sometimes been supposed to be at war with our population is less than ten per cent of the whole, the institutions; but it is in some degree the result of those slaves are kept in entire subjection. It is preposte. very institutions. Burke, the most philosophical of states. rous to suppose that the Southern States could ever men, as he was the most accomplished of orators, well find the smallest difficulty in this respect. On this sub- understood the operation of this principle, in elevating the ject, as in all others, we ask nothing of our Northern sentiments and exalting the principles of the people in brethren but to “ let us alone;" leave us to the undisturb- slaveholding States. I will conclude my remarks on this ed management of our domestic concerns, and the direc- branch of the subject, by reading a few passages from his tion of our own industry, and we will ask no more. Sir, speech “on moving his resolutions for conciliation with all our difficulties on this subject have arisen from inter- the colonies, the 22d of March, 1775.” ference from abroad, which has disturbed, and may again “There is a circumstance attending the Southern codisturb, our domestic tranquillity, just so far as to bring lonies, which makes the spirit of liberty still more high down punishment upon the heads of the unfortunate vic and haughty than in those to the Northward. It is, that tims of a fanatical and mistaken bumanity.
in Virginia and the Carolinas they have a vast multitude of There is a spirit, which, like the father of evil, is con. slaves. Where this is the case, in any part of the world, stantly “ walking to and fro about the earth, seeking whom those who are free are by far the most proud and jealous it may devour.” It is the spirit of false philanthropy. The of their freedom. Freedom is to them not only an enjoy. persons whom it possesses do not indeed throw them- ment, but a kind of rank and privilege. Not seeing there, selves into the fames, but they are employed in lighting as in countries where it is a common blessing, and as broad up the torches of discord throughout the community. and general as the air, that it may be united with much Their first principle of action is to leave their own affair's, abject toil, with great misery, with all the exterior of ser. and neglect their own duties, to regulate the affairs and vitude, liberty looks among them like something more nothe duties of others. Theirs is the task to feed the hun ble and liberal. I do not mean, sir, to commend the supe, gry and clothe the naked, of other lands, whilst they thrust rior morality of this sentiment, which has, at least, as much the naked, famished, and shivering beggar from their own of pride as virtue in it; but I cannot alter the nature of doors; to instruct the heathen, while their own children man. The fact is so, and these people of the Southern want the bread of life. When this spirit infuses itself in- colonies are much more strongly, and with a higher and to the bosom of a statesman, (if one so possessed can be more stubborn spirit, attached to liberty, than those to called a statesman) it converts him at once into a visionary the Northward. Such were all the ancient commonenthusiast. Then it is that he indulges in golden dreams of wealths; such were our Gothic ancestors; such, in our national greatness and prosperity. He discovers that days, were the Poles; and such will be all masters of slaves “liberty is power;" and not content with vast schemes of who are not slaves themselves. In such a people, the improvement at home, which it would bankrupt the trea- haughtiness of domination, combined with the spirit of freesury of the world to execute, he flies to foreign lands, to dom, fortifies it, and renders it invincible." fulál obligations to "the human race," by inculcating the In the course of my former remarks, ! took occasion to principles of “political and religious liberty,” and promot- deprecate, as one of the greatest of evils, the consolidaing the “general welfare” of the whole human race. It tion of this Government. The gentleman takes alarm at is a spirit which has long been busy with the slaves of the the sound. “Consolidation," like the “tariff," grates South, and is even now displaying itself in vain efforts to upon his ear. He tells us, “we have heard inuch, of late, drive the Government from its wise policy in relation to the about consolidation; that it is the rallying word for all who Indians. It is this spirit which has filled the land with are endeavoring to weaken the Union by adding to the thousands of wild and visionary projects, which can have power of the States.” But consolidation, says the gen. no effect but to waste the energies and dissipate the re- tleman, was the very object for which the Union was sources of the country. It is the spirit, of which the as- formed; and in support of that opinion, he read a passage piring politician dexterously avails himself, when, by in- from the address of the President of the Convention to scribing on his banner the magical words “liberty and phi-Congress (which he assumes to be authority on his side of lanthropy,” he draws to his support that entire class of the question.) But, sir, the gentleman is mistaken. The persons who are ready to bow down at the very names of object of the framers of the constitution, as disclosed in their idols.
that address, was not the consolidation of the Government, But, sir, whatever difference of opinion may exist as to but “the consolidation of the Union.” It was not to the effect of slavery on national wealth and prosperity, if draw power from the States, in order to transfer it to a we may trust to experience, there can be no doubt that it great National Covernment, but, in the language of the has never yet produced any injurious effect on individual constitutions itself, “to form a more perfect union;" and or national character. Look through the whole history of by what means? By "establishing justice," " promot the country, from the commencement of the Revolution ing domestic tranquillity,” and “securing the blessings of down to the present hour; where are there to be found liberty to ourselves and our posterity.” This is the true readbrighter examples of intellectual and moral greatness, than ing of the constitution. But, according to the gentleman's have been exbibited by the sons of the South? From the reading, the object of the constitution was to consolidate Father of his Country, down to the distinguished chieftain the Government, and the means would seem to be, the who has been elevated, by a grateful people, to the highest promotion of injustice, causing domestic discord, and deoffice in their gift, the interval is filled up by a long line priving the States and the people “of the blessings of of orators, of statesmen, and of heroes, justly entitled to liberty” forever. The gentleman boasts of belonging to rank among the ornaments of their country, and the bene- the party of national republicans. National republicans! factors of mankind. Look at “the 01 Dominon," great a new name, sir, for a very old thing. The national reand magnanimous Virginia, " whose jewels are her sons."| publicans of the present clay were the federalists of '98, Is there any State in this Union which has contributed so who became federal republicans during the war of 1812, much to the honor and welfare of the country? Sir, I and were manufactured into national republicans some will yield the whole question; I will acknowledge the where about the year 1825. As a party, (by whatever
Jas. 25, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution.
(SENATE. name distinguished) they have always been animated by be found to rhyme with it, he presumes it would be celethe same principles, and have kept steadily in view a com- brated in verse, and set to music.” Sir, perhaps the mon object--the consolidation of the Government, gentleman, in inockery of our complaints, may be himself
Sir, tie party to which I am proud of having belonged disposed to sing the praises of the tariff' in doggerel verse from the very cominencement of my political life to the to the tune of “Old Ilumdred.” I am not at all surprised, present day, were the democrats of '98. Anarchists, anti- however, at the aversion of the gentleman to the very federalists, resolutionists, I think they were sometimes name of tariff. I doubt not that it must always bring up called. They assumed the name of democratic republi- some very unpleasant recollections to his mind. If I am not cans in 1812, and have retained their naine and their prin- greatly mistaken, the Senator from Massachusetts was a ciples up to the present hour. True to their political leading actor at a great meeting got up in Boston in 1820, faith, they hare always, as a party, been in favor of limita- against the tariff. It has generally been supposed that tions of power; they hare insisted that all powers not he drew up the resolutions adopted by that meeting, dedelegater to the Federal Government are reserved, and nouncing the tariff system as inequal, oppressive, and have been constantly struggling, as they are now strug- unjust ; and, if I am not much mistaken, denying its congling, to preserve the rights of the States, and prevent stitutionality. Certain it is that the gentleman made a them from being drawn into the vortex, and swallowed up speech on that occasion in support of those resolutions, by one great consolidated Government. Sir, any one ac- denouncing the system in no very measured terms; and if quainted with the history of parties in this country will my memory serves me, calling its constitutionality in recognize in the points now in dispute between the Senator question. I regret that I have not been able to lay my from Massachusetts and myself, the very grounds which bands on those proceedings, but I have seen them, and I have, from the beginning, divided the two great parties in cannot be mistaken in their character. At that time, sir, this country, and which (call these parties by what names the Senator from Massachusetts entertained the very senyou will, and amalgamate them as you may) will divide timents in relation to the tariff which the South now enthem forever. The true distinction between those parties tertains. We next find the Senator from Massachusetts is laid down in a celebrated manifestu issued by the con- expressing his opinion on the tariff as a member of the vention of the federalists of Massachusetts, assembled in House of Representatives from the city of Boston in 1824. Boston, in February, 1824, on the occasion of organizing On that occasion, sir, the gentleman 'assumed a position a party opposition to the re-election of Governor Eustis. which commanded the respect and admiration of his counThe gentleman will recognize this as “ the canonical book try: He stood forth the powerful and fearless champion of political scripture," and it instructs us, that “when the of free trade. He met, in that conflict, the advocates of American colonies redeemed themselves from British bond- restriction and monopoly, and they “fled from before his age, and became so muy independent nations, they pro- face." With a profound sagacity, a fulness of knowledge, posed to forn a national unior..” (Not a federal union, sir, and a richness of illustration that has never been surpassbut a national union.) “Those who were in favor of a ed, he maintained and established the principles of comunion of the States in this form became known by the mercial freedom on a foundation never to be shaken. name of federalists; those who wanted no union of the Great indeed was the victory achieved by the gentleman States, or disliked the proposed form of union, became on that occasion; most striking the contrast between the known by the name of anti-federalists. By means which clear, forcible, and convincing arguments by which he carneed not be enumerated, the anti-federalists became, after ried away the understandings of his hearers, and the narkde espiration of twelve years, our national rulers; and, rew views and wretched sophistry of another distinguished for a period of sixteen years, until the close of Mr. Madi orator, who may be truly said to have “beld up his farson's administration in 1817, continued to exercise the ex. thing candle to the sun. Sir, the Senator from Massaclusive direction of our public affairs." Here, sir, is the chusetts, on that, the proudest day of his life) like a true history of the origin, rise, and progress, of the party mighty giant bore away upon his shoulders the pillars of of national republicans, who date back to the very origin the temple of error and delusion, escaping himself unhurt, of the Government, and who, then, as now, chose to con. and leaving its adversaries overwhelmedin its ruins. Then sider the constitution as having created not 'a federal but a it was that he erected to free trade a beautiful and endurnational union; who regarded “consolidation" 28 110 cvil, ing monument, and " inscribed the marble with his name.” and willo djubiless consider it “a consummation deront's It is with pal and regret that I now go forward to the to be wished,"to build up a great central Government,' next great era in tle political life of that gentleman, when “one and incivisible." Sir, there he existed, in every
he was found upon this floor, supporting, advocating, and age and every country, t:vo listinct orders of men--the finally voting for the tariff' of 1828-tirat "bill of abomilovers of freedom, and the ch voted alvocates of power. nations.” By that act, sir, the Senator from MassachuThe same great leading principles, modified only by pecu-setts has destroyed the labors of his whole life, and given liarities of inanners, habits, and institutions, divided par- a wound to the cause of free trade, never to be healed. ties in the ancient republics, an mate<l the whigs and tories Sir, when I recollect the position which that gentleman of Great Britain, distinguished in our own times the libe- once occupied, and that which he now holds in public esrals and ultras of France, and may be traced even in timation, in relation to this sulyject, it is not at all surpristhe bloody struggles of unhappy Spain. Sir, when the ing that the tarifl' should be hateful to his ears. Sir, if I gallant Riego, who devoted himself, and all that he posses. Hac erected to my own fame so proud a monument as that sed, to the liberties of luis country, was dragged to the which the gentleman built up in 1824, and I could have scaffold, followed by the tears an: lamentations of every been temptel to destroy it with my own hands, I should Jover of freedom throughout the world, he perished amidst hate the voice that should ring " the accursed tariff” in the deafening cries of “Long live the absolute King!" my cars.
I doubt not the gentleman feels very much in The people whon represent are the descendants of those relation to the tariff as a certain knight did to or instinct," who brought with them to this country, as the most pre- and with bim would be disposed to exclaimcious of their possessions, “ an ardent love of liberty;"> “Ah! no more of that Hal, an thou lov'st me." and while that shal! be preserved, they will always be found But, to be serious, what are we, of the South, to think manfully struggling against the consolidation of the Go- of what we have heard this clay: The Senator from Masvernment, as th:- Worst of evils.
sachusetts tells us that the tariff is not an Eastern meaThe Senator from šlassachusetts, in alluding to the ta- sure, and treats it as if the East had no interest in it. riff, becomes quite facetious. He tells us that she hears. The Senator from Missouri insists it is not a Western meaof nothing but tarifi? tariff! tariff! and if a word could sure, and that it has done no good to the West. The