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was the eldeft fon of Oliver, and was born October 4, 1626, and married in 1649, Dorothy, daughter of Richard Major, Efq; of Hurley in Hants, by whom he had several children, but only three daughters lived to maturity: the firft, Elizabeth, born March 26, 1650. She spent the latter part of her life in Bedford-row, and died there unmarried, April 8, 1731, aged 81 years.

The fecond daughter, Anne, born March 27, 1659, became the wife of Dr. Thomas Gibfon, a fellow of the College of Phyficians. The doctor died about 1704, and his wife died without iffue, Oct. 27, 1727.

Dorothy, the third daughter of Richard Cromwell, Efq; was born Aug. 1, 1660. She married John Mortimer, Efq; of Somerfetfhire, F. R. S. author of the Whole Art of Husbandry; but fhe died in child- bed, May 14, 1681, aged 20. It is worth obferving, that this gentleman, by his third wife, Elizabeth, daughter of Samuel Sanders, of Derbyshire, Efq; was father of the late Cromwell Mortimer, M. D. and fecretary to the Royal Society, who died Jan. 7, 1752, leaving one fon, the prefent Hans Mortimer, Efq; of Lincoln's

Inn.

It is unneceffary to mention, that Richard Cromwell, Efq; fucceeded his father in the protectorate, and that he did not long enjoy that exalted ftation. Indeed, it was not till his father was confirmed in the protectorate that he was called to court, and made chancellor of Oxford, having till that time lived privately at Hurley in Hamphire, upon the fortune his wife brought him.

After the Restoration he went to France, and continued fome years in obfecurity at Paris; but, upon a rumour of a war between France and England, he removed to Geneva. About the year 1680, he returned to England, and lived many years at an houfe near the church, at Chefhunt in Herts under the affumed name of Clark, where he died July, 13, 1712, in the eighty-fixth year

of his age.

We now come to Henry Cromwell, Efq; fecond fon of Oliver Cromwell, born about 1628. In 1653 he married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Francis Ruffel, Bart. of Chippenham in CamMay, 1774.

bridgefhire. He refided after his marriage at Whitehall, till he was appointed lord-lieutenant of Ireland, in which he also resigned the regency of Ireland, and retired to Chippenham, the feat of his brother-in-law, Sir John Ruffell. After he had lived five years or fix years there he removed to his eftate at Spinney-abbey, near Soham in Cambridgefhire, where he spent the remainder of his days, defcending from the toilfome grandeur of governing men to the humble and happy occupation of husbandry, in which King Charles II. found him employed, in an excurfion he made for that purpose from Newmarket, in the month of September, 1671. The time of Mr. Henry Cromwell's death cannot exactly be determined, though, if placed about the year 1680, the conjecture cannot be remote.

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form a judgment of this work, we fhall present them with part of what is advanced on the fubject of excluding auditors from the houfe of commons, and punishing those who publish the speeches there delivered.

"Another confequence of the inadequate ftate of parliamentary reprefentation, and of too long parliaments, is a dangerous power affumed by the commons, of clearing their houfe, and excluding their conftituents from the fatisfaction of knowing how their deputies behave themfelves, and whether they confult the public intereft, or play the game into the hands of the ministry. Upon the fame principle they found the practice of punifhing all perfons who publish any speeches made in their houfe.

"As to the houfe of lords, fuppofing it once granted, that it is wife to allow any fet of men a power of confulting for themselves, without regard to the public, and putting a negative upon the most falutary national propofals, if thought by them likely to entrench upon their particular privileges (a point, the

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of which I fhould be forry to have imposed on me) fuppofing, I fay, a houfe of lords upon the foot of the British, it follows, that they have a right to exclude all, but peers, from their deliberations; because they are doing their own bufinefs, and not the public; they are acting for themselves, and are principals, and not deputies.

But furely the faithful reprefentatives of the people, cannot dread the people's knowledge of their proceedings in the house. An ariftocracy of perfons, whose interest may be different from that of the people, a court of inquifition, or a Venetian council of Ten might be expected to shut themselves from the fight of the people, but not a house of reprefentatives, affembled, by the people's order, to do the people's business. How are the people to know which of their delegates are faithful, and ought to be trufted again, or which otherwife, if they are to be excluded the house?

"Even in the house of peers, this cuftom has been blamed.

"It is not, my lords, faid the earl of Chesterfield on this fubject, A. D. 1740, by excluding all forts of ftrangers that you are to preserve the antient dignity of this affembly: itis by excluding all manner of quibbling, impertinence, deceit, weaknefs, and corruption. Thefe, I hope, are ftrangers here. I hope your lordships will take care never to admit any one of them within these walls; but by excluding other ftrangers, when you have nothing of a fecret nature under confideration, you will only raise a jealoufy of the dignity of your proceedings; and if this jealoufy fhoud become general, without doors, you will in vain feek for respect among the people."

"There were many ftrangers in the gallery of the house of peers, on occafion of the enquiry into lord Peterborough's conduct in Spain, A. D. 1711. A motion was made to clear the gallery. But the duke of Buckingham opposed it, and they were fuffered to stay.

The commons, A. D. 1714, having cleared their houfe of all ftrangers, not excepting peers, it was moved in the houfe of peers, that the houfe be cleared of all strangers not excepting members of the house of commons. The duke of Argyle opposed the shutting of the houfe of peers, and faid it was for the honour of

that auguft affembly, to fhew that they were better bred than the commons.

"Hakewel fays, the commons finding perfons in their house who had no right to be there, have obliged them to take an oath, that they would keep fecret what they had heard.

Of right the door of the parliment ought not to be fhut, but to be kept by porters, or king's ferjeants at arms to prevent tumults at the door, by which the parliament might be hindered."

"It was common in former times for the members themselves to publish their fpeeches made in the house. Accordingly there are extant to this day, many of them in pamphlets of those times, and in Rushworth's, Nelfon, and other collections.

In our times it is punishable to publish any of their doings, although they do not themfelves publish them, and the very gallery is cleared, that we may not know which of our deputies is faithful to us, nor which betrays us.

"The order of the house of commons against printing the fpeeches was made, A. D. 1641, in times which our courtly men will hardly allow to be of good authority. The order itself is not justifiable upon any principles of liberty, or of reprefentation, unless the debates were regularly published by the members. For publifhed they ought undoubtedly to be; if delegates ought to be refponfible to their conftituents. My lordmayor, therefore, and Mr. alderman Oliver were feverely dealt with in being fent to the Tower, A. D. 1771, for defending the printers in doing only what ought to have been done by the members.

"Sir Edward Dering's fpeeches were published by himself, Ă. D. 1641.

"Refolved, that they are against the privilege of the house, and fhall be burnt by the hangman in Weftminster, Cheapfide, and Smithfield; himself disabled during the parliament, and to be imprifoned in the Tower, during the pleafure of the house." He was released, however, in a few days.

"A. D. 1720, the proprietors of the redeemable funds being difcontented, petitioned to be heard by council again't a bill then before the house. They went in confiderable numbers to the lobby, to wait the event. The juftices were ordered to clear the paffages.

They

They read the riot-act. On which occafion, fome of the petitioners faid, It feemed to them a ftrange proceeding, to treat a set of peaceable subjects, people of property, who attended the houfe to complain of grievances, as a riotous mob; and that the commons first picked their pockets, and fent them to jail for complaining.

"Whatever has been advanced in fupport of printing the Votes and journals, is equally strong against clearing the house. The houfe of commons is the people's houfe, where the people's deputies meet to do the people's business. For the people's deputies, therefore, to fhut the people out of their own houfe, is a rebellion of the fervants against their mafters. That the members of parliament are, according to the conftitution, fervants, is manifelt from the notorious fact of their conftantly receiving wages for many centuries together, which members, accordingly, forfeited by abfence, neglect, &c. "Who fent us hither?" fays Sir F. Winnington, in the debate upon this fubject, A. D. 1681, "The privy-council is conftituted by the king; but the house of commons by the choice of the people. I think it not natural, nor rational, that the people who fent us hither, fhould not be informed of our actions." Suppose the directors of the Eaft-India company were to fhut out the proprietors from their house, and then difpofe of their property at their pleasure, defying all refponfibility, how would this be taken by the proprietors? The excluding the people from the house of commons, and punishing the publithers of their speeches, is precifely the fame incroachment on the people's rights; only fo much the more atrocious in confideration of there being no regular appeal from parliament, whereas there is from the directors of a trading company."

Obfervations upon the Life and Death of
King Charles I. Extracted from the
Life of that eminent Antiquary and
Aftrologer Mr. William Lilly, who
was born 1602, and died 1681.
Juft Publifhed.

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heard, fays he, Bradshaw the Judge fay to his majesty, Sir, inftead of answering the court, you interrogate their power, which becomes not one in your condition:" thefe words pierced my heart and foul, to hear a subject thus audaciously to reprehend his fovereign, who ever and anon replied with great magnanimity and prudence,"

As to the parliament, it grew, fays he, odious unto all good men ; the members thereof became infufferable in their pride, covetousness, self ends, lazinefs, minding nothing but how to enrich themselves. Much heart-burning now arose betwixt the Prefbyterian and Independant, the latter fiding with the army, betwixt whofe two judgments there was no medium. Now came up, or firft appeared, that monftrous people called Ranters: and many other novel opinions, in themselves heretical and fcandalous, were countenanced by members of parliament, many whereof were of the fame judgment. Juftice was neglected, vice countenanced, and all care of the common good laid afide. Every judgment almoft groaned under the heavy burthen they then fuffered; the army neglected; the city of London fcorned the miniftry, efpecially those who were orthodox and ferious, honeft or virtuous, had no countenance; my foul began to loath the very name of a parliament, or parliament-men. There yet remained in the house very able, judicious, and worthy patriots; but they, by their filence, only ferved themselves: all was carried on by a, rabble of dunces, who being the greater number, voted what feemed best to their nonintelligent fancies.'

From thefe paffages it appears, that Lilly was no enemy to his fovereign, no creature of the parliament, no violent or unreasonable bigot to either party; we fhall therefore extract fome of his general obfervations relative to the character of king Charles.

Favourites he had three; Euckingham, ftabbed to death; Wiljem Laud, and Thomas earl of Strand, both beheaded. Bishops and clergymen, whom he most favoured, and wholly advanced, and occafionally ruined, he lived to fee

IN feveral places of his memoirs he their bishopricks fold, the bishop: the

speaks with respect and compaffion

of this unfortunate prince. When I

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felves fcorned, and all the whole clergy of his party and opinion quite undone, The english noblemen he cared not much for, but only to serve his own turns by them: yet fuch as had the unhappinefs to adventure their lives and fortunes for him, he lived to fee them and their families ruined, only for his fake. Pity it is many of them had not ferved a more fortunate mafter, and one more grateful.

The Scots, his countrymen, on whom he bestowed fo many favours, he lived to fee them in arms against himself; to fell him for more money than the Jews did Chrift, and themfelves to be handfomely routed and fold for knaves and flaves. They made their best market of him at all times, changing their affection with his fortune.

The old prince of Orange he almost beggared, and yet to no purpose, the parliament one time or other getting all arms and ammunition which ever came over unto him. It is confidently averred, if the king had become abfolute here in England, Orange had been king, &c.

The city of London, which he had fo fore oppreffed and flighted, he lived to fee thousands of them in arms againtt him; and they to thrive, and himself confume unto nothing. The parliament, which he fo abhorred, and formerly fcorned, he lived to know was fuperior unto him; and the fcorns and flights he had ufed formerly to Elliot, and others, he faw now returned upon himself in folio.

With Spain he had no perfect correfpondency, fince his being there; lefs after he fuffered their fleet to perifh in his havens; leaft of all, after he received an ambassador from Portugal; the Spaniard ever upbraiding him with falthood, and breach of promife. Indeed, the nativities of both kings were very

contrary.

"With France he had no good amity; Proteftants there abhorring his legerdenin and treachery unto Rochelle; the Papifts as little loving or trufting him, for fome hard measure offered unto thofe of their religion in England. He cunningly would labour to please all, but in effect gave fatisfaction to none.

'Denmark could not endure him; fent him little or no affiftance, if any at all: befides, the old king fufpected an

other matter; and made a query in his drink.

The Swede extremely complained of him for nonperformance of fome fecret contract betwixt them, and uttered high words against him.

The Proteftant princes of Germany loathed his very name, &c.

'The Portugal king and he had little to do; yet in one of his own letters to the queen, though he acknowledges the Portugal's courtesy unto him, yet faith, that he would give him an anfwer unto a thing of concernment that should fignify nothing.

The Hollanders being only courteous for their own ends, and as far as his money would extend, furnished him with arms at fuch rates as a Turk might have had them elsewhere: but they neither loved or cared for him in his profperity, or pitied him in his adverfity; which occafioned these words to drop from him, "If he ere came to his throne, he would make Hans Butterbox know, he fhould pay well for his fishing, and fatisfy for old knaveries,' &c.

In conclufion. He was generally unfortunate in the world, in the esteem both of friends and enemies: his friends exclaim on his breach of faith; his enemies would fay, he could never be fast enough bound. He was more lamented as he was a king, than for any affection had unto his perfon as a man.

He had feveral opportunities offered him for his reftoring. First, by feveral treaties, all ending in fmoke, by his own perverfeness. By feveral opportunities and victories which he profecuted not. Firft, when Bristol was cowardly furrendered by Fines: had he then come unto London, all had been his own; but loitering to no purpose at Gloucefte: he was prefently after well banged by Effex.

When in the west, viz. Cornwall, he worfted Effex: had he then immediately hafted to London, his army had been without doubt masters of that city; for Manchester was none of his enemy at that time, though he was general of the affociated counties.

Or had he, ere the Scots came into England, commanded Newcastle to have marched fouthward for London, be could not have miffed obtaining the city, and then the work had been ended.

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