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needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.
7. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.
8. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.
9. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.
10. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous development.
11. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.
12. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.
13. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.
14. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of
political independence and territorial in
tegrity to great and small states alike. In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end.
For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this program does remove.
We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright and very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself with us and the other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing.
We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world—the new world in which we now live—instead of a place of mastery.
Neither do we presume to suggest to her any alteration or modification of her institutions. But it is necessary, we must frankly say, and necessary as a preliminary to any intelligent dealings with her on our part, that we should know whom her spokesmen speak for when they speak to us, whether for the Reichstag majority or for the military party and the men whose creed is imperial domination.
We have spoken now, surely, in terms too concrete to admit of any further doubt or question. An evident principle runs through the whole program I have outlined. It is the principle of justice to all peoples and nationalities, and their right to live on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether they be strong or weak.
Unless this principle be made its foundation no part of the structure of international justice can stand. The people of the United States could act upon no other principle; and to the vindication of this principle they are ready to devote their lives, their honor, and everything that they possess. The moral climax of this the culminating and final war for human liberty has come, and they are ready to put their own strength, their own highest purpose, their own integrity and devotion to the test. ADDRESS TO CONGRESS UPON THE GERMAN AND
AUSTRIAN PEACE UTTERANCES
FEBRUARY 11, 1918. Gentlemen of the Congress:
On the eighth of January I had the honor of addressing you on the objects of the war as our people conceive them. The Prime Minister of Great Britain had spoken in similar terms on the fifth of January.
To these addresses the German Chancellor replied on termination of all questions affecting the Balkan the twenty-fourth and Count Czernin, for Austria, on states he defers, as I understand him, to Austria and the same day. It is gratifying to have our desire so Turkey; and with regard to the agreements to be enpromptly realized that all exchanges of view on this tered into concerning the non-Turkish peoples of the great matter should be made in the hearing of all the present Ottoman Empire, to the Turkish authorities world.
themselves. After a settlement all around, effected Count Czernin's reply, which is directed chiefly to in this fashion, by individual barter and concession, he my own address of the eighth of January, is uttered would have no objection, if I correctly interpret his in a very friendly tone. He finds in my statement a statement, to a league of nations which would undersufficiently encouraging approach to the views of his take to hold the new balance of power steady against own Government to justify him in believing that it external disturbance. furnishes a basis for a more detailed discussion of It must be evident to everyone who understands purposes by the two Governments. He is represented what this war has wrought in the opinion and temper to have intimated that the views he was expressing of the world that no general peace, no peace worth the had been communicated to me beforehand and that I infinite sacrifices of these years of tragical suffering, was aware of them at the time he was uttering them; can possibly be arrived at in any such fashion. The but in this I am sure he was misunderstood. I had method the German Chancellor proposes is the method received no intimation of what he intended to say. of the Congress of Vienna. We cannot and will not There was, of course, no reason why he should com- return to that. What is at stake now is the peace of municate privately with me. I am quite content to be the world. What we are striving for is a new interone of his public audience.
national order based upon broad and universal prinCount: von Hertling's reply is, I must say, very ciples of right and justice—no mere peace of shreds vague and very confusing. It is full of equivocal and patches. Is it possible that Count von Hertling phrases and leads it is not clear where. But it is cer- does not see that, does not grasp it, is in fact living tainly in a very different tone from that of Count in his thought in a world dead and gone? Has he Czernin, and apparently of an opposite purpose. It utterly forgotten the Reichstag Resolutions of the confirms, I am sorry to say, rather than removes, the nineteenth of July, or does he deliberately ignore unfortunate impression made by what we had learned them? They spoke of the conditions of a general of the conferences at Brest-Litovsk. His discussion peace, not of national aggrandizement or of arrangeand acceptance of our general principles lead him to ments between state and state. The peace of the no practical conclusions. He refuses to apply them world depends upon the just settlement of each of the to the substantive items which must constitute the several problems to which I adverted in my recent body of any final settlement. He is jealous of inter- address to the Congress. I, of course, do not mean national action and of international counsel. He ac that the peace of the world depends upon the acceptcepts, he says, the principle of public diplomacy, but ance of any particular set of suggestions as to the he appears to insist that it be confined, at any rate way in which those problems are to be dealt with. I in this case, to generalities and that the several par- mean only that those problems each and all affect the ticular questions of territory and sovereignty, the whole world; that unless they are dealt with in a several questions upon whose settlement must depend spirit of unselfish and unbiased justice, with a view the acceptance of peace by the twenty-three states to the wishes, the natural connections, the racial asnow engaged in the war, must be discussed and set- pirations, the security, and the peace of mind of the tled, not in general council, but severally by the na- peoples involved, no permanent peace will have been tions most immediately concerned by interest or neigh- attained. They cannot be discussed separately or in borhood. He agrees that the seas should be free, but corners. None of them constitutes a private or looks askance at any limitation to that freedom by separate interest from which the opinion of the world international action in the interest of the common may be shut out. Whatever affects the peace affects order. He would without reserve be glad to see eco mankind, and nothing settled by military force, if nomic barriers removed between nation and nation, settled wrong, is settled at all. It will presently for that could in no way impede the ambitions of the have to be reopened. military party with whom he seems constrained to Is Count von Hertling not aware that he is speakkeep on terms. Neither does he raise objection to a ing in the court of mankind, that all the awakened nalimitation of armaments. That matter will be settled tions of the world now sit in judgment on what every of itself, he thinks, by the economic conditions which public man, of whatever nation, may say on the issues must follow the war. But the German colonies, he of a conflict which has spread to every region of the demands, must be returned without debate. He will world? The Reichstag Resolutions of July themdiscuss with no one but the representatives of Russia selves frankly accepted the decisions of that court. what disposition shall be made of the people and the There shall be no annexations, no contributions, no lands of the Baltic provinces; with no one but the punitive damages. Peoples are not to be handed Government of France the "conditions " under which about from one sovereignty to another by an interFrench territory shall be evacuated; and only with national conference or an understanding between Austria what shall be done with Poland. In the de- rivals and antagonists. National aspirations must be
of any pahose probleems each a dealt
respected; peoples may now be dominated and gov- compacts with regard to trade and the essential mateerned only by their own consent. “Self-determina- rials of manufacture would afford no foundation for tion” is not a mere phrase. It is an imperative prin peace. Neither, he may rest assured, will separate ciple of action, which statesmen will henceforth ignore and selfish compacts with regard to provinces and at their peril. We cannot have general peace for the peoples. asking, or by the mere arrangements of a peace con
Count Czernin seems to see the fundamental eleference. It cannot be pieced together out of indi- ments of peace with clear eyes and does not seek to vidual understandings between powerful states. All obscure them. He sees that an independent Poland, the parties to this war must join in the settlement of made up of all the indisputably Polish peoples who every issue anywhere involved in it; because what we lie contiguous to one another, is a matter of European are seeking is a peace that we can all unite to guar- concern and must of course be conceded; that Belantee and maintain and every item of it must be sub- gium must be evacuated and restored, no matter what mitted to the common judgment whether it be right sacrifices and concessions that may involve; and that and fair, an act of justice, rather than a bargain be- national aspirations must be satisfied, even within his tween sovereigns.
own Empire, in the common interest of Europe and The United States has no desire to interfere in Eu
mankind. If he is silent about questions which touch ropean affairs or to act as arbiter in European terri- the interest and purpose of his allies more nearly torial disputes. She would disdain to take advantage than they touch those of Austria only, it must of of any internal weakness or disorder to impose her course be because he feels constrained, I suppose, to own will upon another people. She is quite ready to defer to Germany and Turkey in the circumstances. be shown that the settlements she has suggested are
nas suggested are Seeing and conceding, as he does, the essential prinnot the best or the most enduring. They are only her ciples involved and the necessity of candidly applying own provisional sketch of principles and of the way them, he naturally feels that Austria can respond to in which they should be applied. But she entered the purpose of peace as expressed by the United this war because she was made a partner, whether she States with less embarrassment than could Germany. would or not, in the sufferings and indignities in- He would probably have gone much farther had it flicted by the military masters of Germany, against not been for the embarrassments of Austria's alliances the peace and security of mankind; and the condi- and of her dependence upon Germany. tions of peace will touch her as nearly as they will After all, the test of whether it is possible for either touch any other nation to which is entrusted a leading government to go any further in this comparison of part in the maintenance of civilization. She cannot views is simple and obvious. The principles to be see her way to peace until the causes of this war are applied are these: removed, its renewal rendered as nearly as may be im- First, that each part of the final settlement must possible.
be based upon the essential justice of that particular This war had its roots in the disregard of the rights
case and upon such adjustments as are most likely to of small nations and of nationalities which lacked
bring a peace that will be permanent; the union and the force to make good their claim to
Second, that people and provinces are not to be determine their own allegiances and their own forms
bartered about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if of political life. Covenants must now be entered into
they were mere chattels and pawns in a game, even which will render such things impossible for the
the great game, now forever discredited, of the balfuture; and those covenants must be backed by the
ance of power; but that united force of all the nations that love justice and
Third, every territorial settlement involved in this are willing to maintain it at any cost. If territorial
war must be made in the interest and for the benefit settlements and the political relations of great popu
of the populations concerned, and not as a part of any lations which have not the organized power to resist
mere adjustment or compromise of claims amongst are to be determined by the contracts of the powerful
rival states; and governments which consider themselves most directly
Fourth, that all well defined national aspirations affected, as Count von Hertling proposes, why may shall be accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be not economic questions also? It has come about in
accorded them without introducing new or perpetuatthe altered world in which we now find ourselves that
ing old elements of discord and antagonism that would justice and the rights of peoples affect the whole field
be likely in time to break the peace of Europe and of international dealing as much as access to raw
consequently of the world. materials and fair and equal conditions of trade. Count von Hertling wants the essential bases of com
A general peace erected upon such foundations can mercial and industrial life to be safeguarded by com
be discussed. Until such a peace can be secured we mon agreement and guarantee, but he cannot expect
have no choice but to go on. So far as we can judge, that to be conceded him if the other matters to be
these principles that we regard as fundamental are determined by the articles on peace are not handled already.
already everywhere accepted as imperative except in the same way as items in the final accounting. He among the spokesmen of the military and annexationcannot ask the benefit of common agreement in the ist party in Germany. If they have anywhere else one field without according it in the other. I take it been rejected, the objectors have not been sufficiently for granted that he sees that separate and selfish numerous or influential to make their voices audible. The tragical circumstance is that this one party in I have not come, therefore, to urge the loan. I Germany is apparently willing and able to send mils have come only to give you, if I can, a more vivid conlions of men to their death to prevent what all the ception of what it is for. world now sees to be just.
The reasons for this great war, the reason why it I would not be a true spokesman of the people of had to come, the need to fight it through, and the isthe United States if I did not say once more that we sues that hang upon its outcome are more clearly disentered this war upon no small occasion, and that we closed now than ever before. It is easy to see just can never turn back from a course chosen upon princi- what this particular loan means because the cause we ple. Our resources are in part mobilized now, and are fighting for stands more sharply revealed than at we shall not pause until they are mobilized in their any previous crisis of the momentous struggle. The entirety. Our armies are rapidly going to the fight- man who knows least can now see plainly how the ing front, and will go more and more rapidly. Our cause of justice stands and what the imperishable whole strength will be put into this war of emancipa thing is he is asked to invest in. Men in America tion-emancipation from the threat and attempted may be more sure than they ever were before that the mastery of selfish groups of autocratic rulers—what cause is their own, and that if it should be lost, their ever the difficulties and present partial delays. We own great nation's place and mission in the world are indomitable in our power of independent action would be lost with it. and can in no circumstances consent to live in a world I call you to witness, my fellow countrymen, that governed by intrigue and force. We believe that our at no stage of this terrible business have I judged the own desire for a new international order under which purpose of Germany intemperately. I should be reason and justice and the common interests of man- ashamed in the presence of affairs so grave, so fraught kind shall prevail is the desire of enlightened men
with the destinies of mankind throughout all the everywhere. Without that new order the world world, to speak with truculence, to use the weak lanwill be without peace and human life will lack tolera- guage of hatred or vindicative purpose. ble conditions of existence and development. Having
We must judge as we would be judged. I have set our hand to the task of achieving it, we shall not
sought to learn the objects Germany has in this war turn back.
from the mouths of her own spokesmen and to deal as I hope that it is not necessary for me to add that
frankly with them as I wished them to deal with me. no word of what I have said is intended as a threat.
I have laid bare our own ideals, our own purposes, That is not the temper of our people. I have spoken
without reserve or doubtful phrase, and have asked thus only that the whole world may know the true
them to say as plainly what it is that they seek. spirit of America—that men everywhere may know
We have ourselves proposed no injustice, no agthat our passion for justice and for self-government
gression. We are ready, whenever the final reckonis no mere passion of words, but a passion which, once
ing is made, to be just to the German people, deal set in action, must be satisfied. The power of the
fairly with the German power as with others. There United States is a menace to no nation or people.
can be no difference between peoples in the final judgIt will never be used in aggression or for the aggrand
ment if it is indeed to be a righteous judgment. To izement of any selfish interest of our own. It springs
propose anything but justice, even-handed and dispascut of freedom and is for the service of freedom.
sionate justice, to Germany at any time, whatever the
cutcome of the war, would be to renounce and dishonor ADDRESS DELIVERED AT BALTIMORE ON THE OPENING
our own cause. For we ask nothing that we are not OF THE THIRD LIBERTY LOAN CAMPAIGN
willing to accord. APRIL 6, 1918.
It has been with this thought that I have sought
to learn from those who spoke for Germany whether Fellow-Citizens :
it was justice or dominion and the execution of their This is the anniversary of our acceptance of Ger- own will upon the other nations of the world that the many's challenge to fight for our right to live and be German leaders were seeking. They have answered, free, and for the sacred rights of free men every- answered in unmistakable terms. They have avowed where. The nation is awake. There is no need to that it was not justice, but dominion, and the unhincall to it. We know what the war must cost, our ut- dered execution of their own will. most sacrifice, the lives of our fittest men, and, if need The avowal has not come from Germany's statesbe, all that we possess.
men. It has come from her military leaders, who are The loan we are met to discuss is one of the least her real rulers. Her statesmen have said that they parts of what we are called upon to give and to do, wished peace, and were ready to discuss its terms though in itself imperative. The people of the whole whenever their opponents were willing to sit down at country are alive to the necessity of it, and are ready the conference table with them. Her present chanto lend to the utmost, even where it involves a sharp cellor has said-in indefinite and uncertain terms, inskimping and daily sacrifice to lend out of meagre deed, and in phrases that often seem to deny their earnings. They will look with reprobation and con- cwn meaning, but with as much plainness as he tempt upon those who can and will not, upon those thought prudent—that he believed that peace should who demand a higher rate of interest, upon those who be based upon the principles which we should declare think of it as a mere commercial transaction.
will be our own in the final settlement.
At Brest-Litovsk her civilian delegates spoke in That program once carried out, America and all similar tones, professed their desire to conclude a fair who care or dare to stand with her must arm and peace and accord to the peoples with whose fortunes prepare themselves to contest the mastery of the they were dealing the right to choose their own alle world, a mastery in which the rights of common men, giance.
the rights of women and of all who are weak, must for But action accompanied and followed the profes- the time being be trodden under foot and disregarded, sion.
and the old age-long struggle for freedom and right Their military masters, the men who act for Ger- begin again at its beginning. many and exhibit her purpose in execution, pro- Everything that America has lived for and loved claimed a very different conclusion. We cannot mis- and grown great to vindicate and bring to a glorious take what they have done in Russia, in Finland, in realization will have fallen in utter ruin and the gates the Ukraine, in Rumania. The real test of their jus- of mercy once more pitilessly shut upon mankind. tice and fair play has come. From this we may judge The thing is preposterous and impossible; and yet the rest.
is not that the whole course and action the German They are enjoying in Russia a cheap triumph in armies have meant wherever they have moved? I do which no brave or gallant nation can long take pride. not wish, even in this moment of utter disillusionA great people, helpless by their own act, lies for the ment, to judge harshly or unrighteously. I judge time at their mercy. Their fair professions are for
only what the German arms have accomplished with gotten. They do not here set up justice, but every- unpitying thoroughness throughout every fair region where impose their power and exploit everything for they have touched. their own use and aggrandizement; and the peoples
What, then, are we to do? For myself, I am ready, of conquered provinces are invited to be freed under their dominion.
ready still, ready even now, to discuss a fair and just Are we not justified in believing that they would do
and honest peace at any time that is sincerely purthe same things at their western front, if they were
posed; a peace in which the strong and the weak shall
fare alike. But the answer, when I proposed such a not there face to face with armies whom even their
peace, came from the German commanders in Russia, countless divisions cannot overcome? If, when they
and I cannot mistake the meaning of the answer. have felt their check to be final, they should propose
I accept the challenge. I know that you will acfavorable and equitable terms to Belgium and France
cept it. All the world shall know that you accept it. and Italy, could they blame us if we concluded that they did so only to assure themselves of a free hand
It shall appear in the utter sacrifice and self-forget
fulness with which we shall give all that we love and in Russia and the east?
all that we have to redeem the world and make it fit Their purpose is undoubtedly to make all the Slavic
for free men like ourselves to live in. peoples, all the free and ambitious nations of the Baltic peninsula, all the lands that Turkey has domi
This now is the meaning of all that we do. Let nated and misruled, subject to their will and ambi- everything we say, my fellow-countrymen, everytion, and build upon that dominion an empire of force,
thing that we henceforth plan and accomplish, ring upon which they fancy that they can then erect an
true to this response till the majesty and might of empire of gain and commercial supremacy; an empire our power shall fill the thought, and utterly defeat the as hostile to the Americas as to the Europe which it force of those who flout and misprize what we honor will overawe; an empire which will ultimately master and hold dear. Persia, India and the peoples of the far east.
Germany has once more said that force, and force In such a program our ideals, the ideals of justice alone, shall decide whether justice and peace shall and humanity and liberty, the principle of the free reign in the affairs of men; whether right, as America self-determination of nations upon which all the mod
all the mode conceives it, or dominion, as she conceives it, shall ern world insists, can play no part. They are re
determine the destinies of mankind. jected for the ideals of power, for the principle that the strong must rule the weak, that trade must follow
There is, therefore, but one response possible from the flag, whether those to whom it is taken welcome us: Force, force to the utmost, force without stint or it or not; that the peoples of the world are to be made limit; the righteous and triumphant force which shall subject to the patronage and overlordship of those make right the law of the world, and cast every selfish who have the power to enforce it.
dominion down in the dust.