artists. They love their nation and have decided that she shall not die. They have suffered from the war more than any other people, except, perhaps, the Armenians and the Poles. But there are still about 12 millions of them, resolved to struggle ceaselessly until they obtain freedom for their Jugoslav (Southern Slav) nation. That is a simple and irresistible aspiration, and, like America, Italy and Switzerland in older times, they will succeed because their will is steadfast and their opponents are changing their artificial policies according to circumstances. Their situation is like Bohemia's, and Poland's. When these people are free, then Europe will have a chance of peace, not before. That much even the diplomats admit today. So there is an increasing probability of an early and righteous settlement of this national question.1

Now look at this Jugoslavia made free. It includes Serbia restored, and the Austro-Hungarian provinces which are almost entirely peopled by Serbians and their brothers, the Croats and Slovenes. It extends from the vicinity of Italian Trieste to the province of Temesvar, from the Adri atic coast to the Bulgarian frontier, where the Orient racially begins. Even if national aspira

1 See the books of H. Wickham Steed, R. W. Seton-Watson, etc.

tions are not fully realized at first, it will have outlets on the Adriatic Sea, which means direct and free communication with all Western nations. The area of the land is equal to about one-half of France. It contains many mines (the copper mines at Bor were the most prosperous in the world, and were exploited by a French concern), large forests, great wealth in fruit, fish, and cattle, and large industries of cloth, embroideries, silverwork, etc.

Jugoslavia has been maintained for ages in a state economically backward because all the forces of the country were employed in a military struggle against invasion and resistance to oppression. Conditions were made as hard as possible by mighty Austria, for fear that the national spirit would spread from free Serbia to oppressed Bosnia, Croatia and Dalmatia.

In the near future, a tremendous economic expansion will take place there. The race is very laborious. But the people are poor, and lack the technicians and the machines. Who will bring them? Assuredly not the Germans. Even before this war the Serbians preferred to sacrifice large advantages to permitting themselves to be invaded through economic participation on the part of ambitious and hostile countries.

For a similar reason they will hardly welcome

the rush of business men, speculators and exploiters from some countries, although friendly, for they are too jealous of their national integrity to allow important positions to be occupied by foreigners who may at some time become exigent and, if backed by their governments, jeopardize the safety of the country. Small nations have to be cautious about such things.

But from France and from America nothing of that kind is to be feared-we could not even dream of territorial ambitions in those regions. And it happens that America and France are the only two nations who have accomplished a great deal for the Southern Slavs-France, by a long tradition of friendship, by helping to rebuild the Serbian army at Corfu and maintaining the occupation of Salonica, also by welcoming the Serbian refugees on her territory, and taking up the education of Serbian children; America by steady and generous relief and the sending of surgical and medical missions who have done most effective work.

After the war, if my previsions are right, FrancoAmerican activity will find a most favourable ground in Jugoslavia, America bringing her methods and material, France bringing the experience of her men, long used to travel there and to business negotiations with the Serbians, being entirely sym

pathetic to them and having fought side by side with them.

But what special interest will young America have in bringing resources of energy to that part of the world? First, the opportunities for rapid success are numerous: reconstruction of cities on modern plans, undertaking of large harbours, the lumber industry, agricultural improvements, means of transportation. The country is healthful and the peasants are intensely democratic. Many young men want broad enterprises and wish also to live within reasonable proximity to civilized centres. They and their wives will appreciate the fact that Southern Slav territory is a few hours from Italy, and one day and a half from Paris.

I shall not dwell on this suggestion. It is but one instance among many, of the wide activities open to American initiative. Russia is another— much wider, but more distant from the great cities of Western Europe. There again, the true form of successful association would be Franco-American. More exactly, young men from France and young men from America, knowing each other well. And the same is applicable to our colonies.

IV

LITERARY INTERCHANGE

Forms of influence. Is external influence to be welcome? American writers who are known in France. About French criticism. Translations of literature. Educational exchanges. The philosophers. The literary treasury of contemporary France. Our masters and elders. Recent tendencies. Emile Verhaeren's international value. The new poets of France: More children of Walt Whitman. Schools, groups and critics. The Reviews. War poems. And then? Music in France.

WE have dealt with the concrete foundations and structure of our alliance. Our material exchanges and co-operation will give results little by little. As early as today we may see the effects of mutual intellectual influence.

Here again, the field is too wide to be covered in its entirety. Even to show the parallel evolution and the mutual indebtedness of American and French literary standards in the past 25 years, would be the task of a lifetime and, when achieved, it would have to be started again.

So as to grasp the present condition of our literary relation, we may specially concern ourselves with the poets. The best of the young poets sup