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REPLY TO THE POPE WOODROW WILSON WASHINGTON, D. C., AUGUST, 27, 1917. To HIs Holin Ess BENEDICTUs XV., Pope:

In acknowledgment of the communication of your Holiness to the belligerent peoples, dated Aug. 1, 1917, the President of the United States requests me to transmit the following reply:

Every heart that has not been blinded and hardened by this terrible war must be touched by this moving appeal of his Holiness the Pope, must feel the dignity and force of the humane and generous motives which prompted it, and must fervently wish that we might take the path of peace he so persuasively points out. But it would be folly to take it if it does not in fact lead to the goal he proposes. Our response must be based upon the stern facts and upon nothing else. It is not a mere cessation of arms he desires; it is a stable and enduring peace. The agony must not be gone through with again, and it must be a matter of very sober judgment what will insure us against it.

His Holiness in substance proposes that we return to the status quo ante bellum, and that then there be a general condonation, disarmament, and a concert of nations based upon an acceptance of the principle of arbitration; that by a similar concert freedom of the seas be established; and that the territorial claims of France and Italy, the perplexing problems of the Balkan States, and the restitution of Poland be left to such conciliatory adjustments as may be possible in the new temper of such a peace, due regard being paid to the aspirations of the peoples whose political fortunes and affiliations will be involved. It is manifest that no part of this program can be successfully carried out unless the restitution of the status quo ante furnishes a firm and satisfactory basis for it. The object of this war is to deliver the free peoples of the world from the menace and the actual power of a vast military establishment controlled by an irresponsible Government which, having secretly planned to dominate the world, proceeded to carry the plan out without regard either to the sacred obligations of treaty or the long-established practices and long-cherished principles of international action and honor; which chose its own time for the war; delivered its blow fiercely and suddenly; stopped at no barrier either of law or of mercy; swept a whole continent within the tide of blood—not the blood of soldiers only, but the blood of innocent women and children also and of the helpless poor; and now stands balked but not defeated, the enemy of four-fifths of the world. This power is not the German people. It is the ruthless master of the German people. It is no business of ours how that great people came under its control or submitted with temporary zest to the domination of its purpose; but it is our business to see to it that the history of the rest of the world is no longer left to its handling. To deal with such a power by way of peace upon the plan proposed by his Holiness the Pope would, so far as we can see, involve a recuperation of its strength and a renewal of its policy; would make it necessary to create a permanent hostile combination of nations against the German people, who are its instruments; and would result in abandoning the new-born Russia to the intrigue, the manifold subtle interference, and the certain counter-revolution which would be attempted by all the malign influences to which the German Government has of late accustomed the world. Can peace be based upon a restitution of its power or upon any word of honor it could pledge in a treaty of settlement and accommodation? * Responsible statesmen must now everywhere see, if they never saw before, that no peace can rest securely upon political or economic restrictions meant to benefit some nations and cripple or embarrass others, upon vindictive action of any sort, or any kind of revenge or deliberate injury. The American people have suffered intolerable wrongs at the hands of the Imperial German Government, but they desire no reprisals upon the German people, who have themselves suffered all things in this war, which they did not choose. They believe that peace should rest upon the rights of peoples, not the rights of Governments—the rights of peoples great or small, weak or powerful—their equal right to free

dom and security and self-government and to a par-
ticipation upon fair terms in the economic oppor-
tunities of the world, the German people of course
included if they will accept equality and not seek
domination.
The test, therefore, of every plan of peace is this:
Is it based upon the faith of all the peoples involved
or merely upon the word of an ambitious and intrig-
uing Government, on the one hand, and of a group
of free peoples on the other? This is the test which
goes to the root of the matter; and it is the test
which must be applied.
The purposes of the United States in this war are
known to the whole world, to every people to whom
the truth has been permitted to come. They do not
need to be stated again. We seek no material advan-
tage of any kind. We believe that the intolerable
wrongs done in this war by the furious and brutal
power of the Imperial German Government ought
to be repaired, but not at the expense of the sover-
eignty of any people—rather a vindication of the
sovereignty both of those that are weak and of those
that are strong. Punitive damages, the dismember-
ment of empires, the establishment of selfish and
exclusive economic leagues, we deem inexpedient
and in the end worse than futile, no proper basis
for a peace of any kind, least of all for an endur-
ing peace. That must be based upon justice and
fairness and the common rights of mankind.
We cannot take the word of the present rulers of
Germany as a guarantee of anything that is to

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endure, unless explicitly supported by such conclusive evidence of the will and purpose of the Ger. man people themselves as the other peoples of the world would be justified in accepting. Without such guarantees treaties of settlement, agreements for disarmament, covenants to set up arbitration in the place of force, territorial adjustments, reconsti. tutions of small nations, if made with the German Government, no man, no nation could now depend on. We must await some new evidence of the pur. poses of the great peoples of the Central Powers. God grant it may be given soon and in a way to restore the confidence of all peoples everywhere in the faith of nations and the possibility of a covenanted peace.

ROBERT LANSING,

Secretary of State of the United States of America

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