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state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

Apportionment of Representatives

Sec. 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each state, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive or judicial officers of a state, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such state, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such state.

Disability for Breaking Oath of Office

Sec. 3. No person shall be a senator, or representative in Congress, or elector of President or Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any state, who, having previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any state legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any state, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each house, remove such disability.

The Public Debt

Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any state shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be held illegal and void.

Sec. 5. Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.

Right Guaranteed to All Citizens

Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any state, on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.

Sec. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.


The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on incomes, from whatever source derived, without apportionment among the several states, and without regard to any census or enumeration.


The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, elected by the people thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote. The electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures.

When vacancies happen in the representation of any State in the Senate, the executive authority of such State shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies: Provided, That the legislature of any State may empower the executive thereof to make temporary appointments until the people fill the vacancies by election as the legislature may direct.

This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect the election or term of any Senator chosen before it becomes valid as part of the Constitution.


The circumstances of the writing and delivery of Lincoln's address at Gettysburg are so well known as scarcely to need recounting. The battle had been fought July 1-2-3 of 1863 and the check there sustained by the Confederacy marked the turning point in the Civil War. Lincoln's address, delivered Nov. 19, 1863, at the Dedication of the Gettysburg National Cemetery, has remained one of the most important and striking documents in the history of American Democracy. His definition of our system of rule ‘‘as government of the people, by the people, for the people” has become a touchstone of one's Americanism.

The reading of this famous passage, almost universally adopted in our time, which places the emphasis on the prepositions of, by, and for is incorrect in the sense that it is not that used by Lincoln himself. President John Grier Hibben of Princeton University informs the editor that one of the audience on that memorable day has assured him that the emphasis was placed by Lincoln unmistakably on the word people, which he made stronger with each repetition, “government of the people, by the PEOPLE, for the PEOPLE.” It is natural that Lincoln should have done this, for to him one of the greatest advantages in our system of government was the importance and the opportunity it gave to the young citizen poor in purse and social station. This was one of the reasons why he believed slavery hostile to the spirit of democracy. He was proud to count himself one of the people. The point was brought out sharply in his speech delivered at New Haven, March 6, 1860, before his election to the Presidency.

“One of the reasons why I am opposed to slavery is just this: what is the true condition of the laborer? I take it that it is best for all to leave each man free to acquire property as fast as he can. Some will get wealthy. I don’t believe in a law to prevent a man from getting rich; it would do more


harm than good. So while we do not propose any war on cap. ital, we do wish to allow the humblest man an equal chance to get rich with everybody else. When one starts poor, as most of us do in the race of life, free society is such that he knows he can better his condition; he knows that there is no fixed condition of labor for his whole life. I am not ashamed to confess that twenty-five years ago I was a hired laborer, mauling rails, at work on a flatboat—just what might happen to any poor man’s son. I want every man to have a chance— and I believe a black man is entitled to it—in which he can better his condition—where he may look forward and hope to be a hired laborer this year and the next, work for himself afterward, and finally to hire men to work for him. That is the true system.”

Further light on the character of Lincoln will be found in President Wilson's address on Abraham Lincoln, pages 96-101.

LINCOLN's GETTYSBURG ADDRESS (Bold face figures refer to pages ; plain figures to note numbers in teact.) '7. 1. Lincoln with characteristic modesty little thought that his address would go down to posterity. Before its delivery he told a friend: “It is a flat failure. The people won’t like it.” * 2. This definition of our government may possibly have been suggested to Lincoln by a phrase of the abolitionist preacher, Theodore Parker, in a speech delivered in 1858. Parker’s statement ran ‘‘Democracy is direct self-government, over all the people, by all the people, for all the people.” Lincoln’s simpler statement is in any case more effective.


James Russell Lowell, 1819-1891, added to his fame as poet and essayist, the distinction of having served his country as ambassador to Spain 1876-1880, and to Great Britain, 1880. 1885. He performed a particularly useful service in interpreting England and the United States to each other. The address on Democracy, which shows his optimistic faith and native Americanism, was delivered during this period of his stay in England. It should be remembered that as late as 1884, American democracy was still in European eyes on the defensive.

Page DEMOCRACY 20. 1. Plato is more idealistic than Aristotle; henc- ‘‘the tower of Plato.” His works, with those of Aristotle, constitute the most important body of ancient philosophy. 22. 2. Lowell, born in 1819 at Cambridge, Mass., on the edge of the open country, had seen the transformation of his section from a rural to an industrial population. The French travelers had brought back glowing accounts of the simple life of the American settlers and even of the American Indians. Though Lowell did not like the change he would not willingly testify against it; hence the reference to Balaam. See Numbers, xxii, xxiii. 3. The property qualification for suffrage, general in the early years of our government, had been abolished in Massachusetts at the Constitutional Convention in 1820. 4. In the period of the Civil War Massachusetts paid out in bounties and bounty loans $26,000,000 and the war debt of the state at the close of the war was $15,000,000. 24. 5. In the speech on Moving his Resolution for Conciliation with the Colonies, March 22, 1775, Burke says, “I do not , know the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people.” Select Works, Clarendon Press, 1892, Vol. I, p. 192. It is impossible to identify exactly the “French gentleman.” referred to. Lowell may have been thinking of the wellknown critic and historian, Taine, who satirized certain American tendencies in his Life and Opinions of F. T. Graindorge. 6. Zola (1840-1902) was at this time (1884) the most discussed novelist in France. His novels include “naturalistic ’’ pictures of the worst and most depraved elements in French life. 7. Democracy was not nearly so popular in Europe in 1884 as it is at present. The excesses of the Paris Commune in 1871 had dealt a severe blow to the idea that the people can govern themselves. The great Civil War through which we ourselves had passed had likewise discouraged enthusiasm for democracy.

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