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Page opposed in spirit to the spread of democracy. The seeds of many of the wars in the nineteenth century were sown by this Congress and it is responsible for the sufferings of many of the oppressed nationalities. 202. 10. Cf. War Message, Note 15. 11. In reply to President Wilson's request of Dec. 18, 1916, the Allied Governments stated their terms of peace (Jan. 10, 1917) in general proposals which afforded a basis for negotiations: the Central Powers gave no statement of terms. (Cf. A World League for Peace, p. 102.) After Kerensky became head of the Russian government, July 20, 1917, he repeatedly urged the Allies to make a fuller and more definite statement. The present statement of President Wilson was followed early in January, 1918, by one from Lloyd George and on January 8 by another to the same end by President Wilson. (Cf. Program of the World's Peace, pp. 209-218.) 12. In the meantime German propaganda had been carried on in Russia most diligently. A trustworthy report from Washington announced that $8,000,000 had been spent by Germany for this purpose. That the German government was actuated by no sympathy for Russia and proceeded for purely selfish reasons is plain from the fact that Trotzky himself accused them of double dealing. (Cf. Note 3 above.) 203. 13. Cf. A World League for Peace, p. 109. 14. At this time we had not declared war on Austria, Bulgaria, or Turkey. 15. Congress declared war on Austria-Hungary on Dec. 7, 1917. 204. 16. The Austrian army was brought largely under the control of Germany after its disastrous defeat by the Russians in 1915, after which it was stiffened by Prussian troops and officers. Germany’s loans to Austria brought the latter still further under Prussian domination. The easy-going Austrian has nevertheless always detested the over-weening Prussian. 205. 17. Paragraphs 4607 ff of the Revised Statutes deal with the restrictions placed upon enemy aliens. Among other things they are forbidden to have arms or explosives in their possession, to approach arsenals, forts, munition works, etc., to publish





attacks on the government or its members, to abet hostile acts against the United States, or give its enemies information or aid and comfort. 18. The causes of the alarming rise in prices have been summarized as due to (1) increased foreign demand, (2) domestic hoarding, (3) speculation, (4) coöperation of sellers to push prices. Each rise in food prices was used as an excuse for a rise in the price of other commodities. The result was a scale of prices which worked hardship to the masses of the people and called for government intervention, for even in time of peace, businesses “affected with a public interest * are subject to regulation as to prices. 19. This project has not yet received its final form. 20. Although this recommendation was not immediately carried out, the government fixed prices of commodities like steel and copper, and Mr. Stettinius was appointed purchasing agent. 21. On Dec. 26, President Wilson issued a proclamation stating that at noon of Dec. 28 the government would take over the railroads and that W. G. McAdoo had been appointed directorgeneral. 22. For a list of Germany’s violations of international law and the laws of humanity see German War Practices published by the Committee on Public Information. These German outrages were the more distressing as they were not the acts of isolated individuals but the results of a deliberately ordered policy of inhumanity and terrorism. (Cf. also War Message, Note 24.) 23. Cf. the Zimmermann note, War Message, Note 22.


1. In 1917 “Mittel-Europa” was an accomplished fact, militarily speaking. If Germany had not been defeated she would have emerged from the war the political and economic master of the territory stretching from Hamburg to Mesopotamia. To preserve these conquests was the object of her intrigues for peace. Germany had Montenegro, Albania, Serbia, most of Roumania, 161,556 square miles of Russia, nearly all of Belgium, 12,427 square miles of France, making 310,685 square



miles of conquered territory. In this territory she had “sci-
entifically enslaved” 42,000,000 human beings, a large number
of whom were forced to labor for her. She had seized the war
material and the railroads; she had seized and taken away
animals, grains, potatoes, sugar, alcohol, metals of many kinds,
oils, textile fabrics, motors, machinery, rolling mills, electrical
engines, looms, etc. She had helped herself to the personal
property of the inhabitants—tapestries, rugs, pictures, jewels,
securities, etc. By her system of loans to her allies she had
brought Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey absolutely
under her control. These countries owe Germany not only the
money advanced to them but enormous sums for war material
as yet unpaid for. This control meant that she would have a
monopoly in exploiting the great resources of the Balkan States
and Asia Minor. Further, her position in Middle Europe and
Constantinople would force the economic subordination of
Russia, whose resources she would exploit.
‘‘Germany has really wrung from the war present and future
profits which can be computed only in hundreds of billions of
francs. This war therefore has brought Germany boundless
material gain such as no war in history has ever brought to one
‘‘German victory and the fruition of her most important war
advantages depend directly on the maintenance of Central Pan-
Germany, made up of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Serbia, Bul-
garia, and Turkey. Now, this maintenance is based on two
prime conditions: (1) The continuance of Serbia's state of
subjection to Austria-Hungary. (2) The preservation of the
new economic and military lines of communication between
Berlin on the one side and Vienna, Budapest, Sofia, and Con-
stantinople on the other . . . Finally, if the present order of
things is preserved, Germany can maintain the Hamburg-Bagdad
line. This would be assured by the adoption of the formula
‘peace without indemnities and annexations.’ (Chéradame,
in Atlantic Monthly, November, 1917.)
Reread also Flag Day Address, pp. 144-149.

209 2. On Dec. 15, 1917, an armistice was signed between Ger



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many and the Bolsheviki Government at Brest-Litovsk and peace negotiations were begun on Dec. 23. These were broken off for the reasons given in Note 3 to Wilson's Second War Message. The armistice was however renewed in January, 1918, the Bolsheviki doubtless hoping that the bad faith of the German officials would bring an effective protest from the German people. In this hope they were disappointed. 3. In addition to “no annexations and no indemnities” the Bolsheviki delegates insisted on the “right of self-determination” for all subject nationalities. That is, the people of any province, Poland, for instance, should be allowed to determine the character of their government, and whether they should be independent or incorporate themselves with others. To do this therefore they would have to be unmolested, and the Bolsheviki demanded that the German troops evacuate the Russian occupied territory. This the Germans refused to do. (Cf. Note 3 to Second War Message.) The Germans likewise refused to allow the transfer of the negotiations to Stockholm, where the Russians doubtless felt they would be freer than in their own occupied territory. The Bolsheviki could not be recognized as the regularly constituted government of Russia since they arrived at power by overthrowing the ministry established by the Russian Duma and forced the Constituent Assembly, which alone had authority to ratify or constitute a government, to disperse (Dec. 11, 1917). For this reason as well as the patent bad faith of the Central Powers none of the Allies sent representatives to the Congress. 4. Representatives were present from Austria, Turkey, and Bulgaria as well as from Germany, though the former, as in other matters of policy, seem to have been entirely dominated by the German representatives. These included General von Hoffmann, Military Commander of the District, and von Kühlmann, the German Foreign Secretary. It is evident that they did not speak in the spirit of liberalism. 5. Cf. in this volume A World League for Peace (pp. 102

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Page 112), War Message (p. 137), Reply to the Pope (pp. 151-155), Second War Message (pp. 194-203). 6. Lloyd George's address delivered only a few days before President Wilson's present speech was so similar in spirit that it was at first stated that the two had consulted with each other. It appears now that there had been no consultation and that each was merely expressing the fundamental principles of those who combat Prussian militarism. The two are agreed on practically all points though President Wilson expressed a more hopeful and sympathetic attitude toward the present revolutionary government of Russia. 212. 7. On Nov. 2, 1917, Kerensky announced that Russia had done her work in the war and was worn out. After that the disintegration of her political and industrial life was rapid and she seemed to be warding off collapse with difficulty. 23. 8. Cf. War Message and Notes. 214. 9. Cf. A World League for Peace, pp. 108-109. 10. Germany had always opposed arbitration and disarmament. She was the one great power which had steadily refused to sign an arbitration treaty with the United States. Not only have her influential writers and statesmen glorified war but the former Emperor himself had done so. His was the most serious opposition encountered at the Hague Peace Conferences. Andrew D. White, late Ambassador to Germany, reports in his Autobiography, Vol. II, p. 265, “He (Count Münster, chairman of the German delegation) insisted that arbitration must be injurious to Germany; that Germany is prepared for war as no other country is or can be; that she can mobilize her army in ten days; and that neither France, Russia, nor any other power can do this. Arbitration, he said, would simply give rival powers time to put themselves in readiness, and would therefore be a great disadvantage to Germany.” 215. 11. No accredited spokesman for Germany had yet announced Germany’s willingness to withdraw from Belgium. Her plans are best seen in the following interview between our ex-Ambassador James W. Gerard and von Bethmann-Hollweg.

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