of Commons without a Joseph Hume." (Vol. i. p. 150.) mass of materials which he could sometimes personal violence against the House.* skilfully employ. He, like Sir James Graham, Party ran very high. The Westminster Sir Robert Inglis, and one or two others, was reformers were regarded as incarnate essentially a part of the House of Commons for demons of revolution; and as the pubmany years; and I recollect a saying of Sir lisher of the pamphlet was authorized to Robert Peel, that he could not conceive a House of the House, the House at once voted it give up the name of the author at the Bar to be a contempt and a breach of privilege, Eventually Mr. Henry Lytton Bulwer and sent Mr. Hobhouse to Newgate. Sixwent out in the " Florida," in place of ty-five members, who were chiefly Whigs, Hobhouse, and subsequently published an voted against this arbitrary sentence. The account of his mission of 1824. It is re- motion was made by Mr. Courtenay, after markable that we should now, at an inter-wards Earl of Devon, who many years val of forty-seven years, have the pleasure to welcome another literary production of that accomplished diplomatist. afterwards in proposing the health of Lord Broughton at his daughter's marriage, took occasion to refer to what he was then pleased to call his distinguished career. Distinguished or not, it began in Newgate, when it was an honour to be sent there; and there he remained till the death of George III. caused a dissolution of Parliament, opened his prison doors, and secured his speedy return for Westminster as the popular and persecuted candidate at the ensuing general election. He retained that highly honourable position of member for Westminster for nearly thirteen years. During the greater part of that time his colleague was Sir Francis Burdett, and there are living, we trust, many of our friends who can remember what the good old cry of "Burdett and Hobhouse for Westminster" meant. The Byron episode has led us to anticipate in some measure the earlier years of Hobhouse's political life, and to these we must now return. The city of Westminster may justly be regarded as the cradle of Parliamentary Reform. When Whigs stood aloof, and Brookes' frowned, and the most liberal Ministers of the day were on the side of the old Borough system, a committee of Westminster tradesmen, led by Mr. Brooke, the glass manufacturer in the Strand, Mr. Adams, the coach-builder in Long Acre, and Mr. Place, the tailor, and friend of Bentham, at Charing Cross, had begun to fight with success the battle of Reform. They had brought Sir Francis Burdett into Parliament in 1807, and on the death of Sir Samuel Romilly in 1818 they offered the vacant seat to Mr. Hobhouse. He failed, however, on that occasion. "Citizen Place," who was proud of his pen, wrote a bitter appeal which irritated and divided the party, and Mr. George Lamb, a brother of Lord Melbourne's, carried the day. This election, however, brought Hobhouse into notice. He became a member of a political dinner club called "The Rota," to which Bickersteth, Burdett, Douglas, Kinnaird, Sir Robert Wilson, &c., belonged. The object of this society was to discuss and the work of Parliamentary, or as it was first called, "Radical" Reform, and that mind, without an equal. A lofty stature, a "As a parliamentary orator he was, to my adjective has given its name to a party mellifluous voice, a command of language easy throughout the world. A pamphlet was and natural, but at the same time most imconcocted at one of these meetings in pressive; sincere, and spoken from the heart as answer to an intemperate anti-reform well as the head. He never used a note or conspeech of Mr. Canning's. Canning attrib-sulted a paper of any kind. He never hesitated uted it to Sir Philip Francis, and was very angry; but it was in fact written by Hobhouse. Another pamphlet also written by him in answer to one by Lord Erskine, gave rise to more serious consequences. A member of the House of Commons drew attention to a passage which he erroneously conceived to convey a threat of During the early part of my parliamentary life my principal associate indeed, my conSir Francis Burdett was endowed with qualities stant guide was my friend and colleague. rarely united. A manly understanding and a tender heart gave a charm to his society such as I have never derived in any other instance from a man whose principal pursuit was politics. He was the delight both of old and young. There was no base alloy in his noble nature. His address was most pleasing and unaffected, his manners most gentle; and yet where energy and decision were required he assumed a quiet but determined superiority which few promote willing or able to contest. were The sentence which called down on Hobhouse the indignation of the House and was voted a vents the people from marching to the House, pullbreach of privilege was as follows:-" What preing the Members out by the ears, locking the door, This inand flinging the key into the Thames?" terrogation was construed into an incitement to revolt. The answer to the question was given in the next line-"Knightsbridge barracks.' for a word, but he was never diffuse. I acci- | liam IV. ascended the throne of England; dentally heard the opinions of two of his parlia- Charles X. was driven by a revolution mentary contemporaries in regard to his ora- from that of France; the Belgian revolutory, Mr. Canning and Mr. Tierney; each tion followed; England was agitated to an of them, on different occasions, placed Sir Fran- unprecedented degree; and before the end eis Burdett very nearly, if not quite, at the of the year the Duke of Wellington's Minhead of the orators of their day.' (Vol. i. p. 112.) istry collapsed and the Reform Ministry of Lord Grey was in office. 66 The We must pass lightly, for the way be- It was at this time (4th November) that fore us is long and interesting, over the M. Vandeweyer, one of the Belgian Profirst ten years of Hobhouse's public life, visional Government, first arrived in Lonthough they were marked by several im-don. He knew no one, but he had letters portant events, the Canning Ministry, of introduction from Mr. Bulwer, and he Catholic Emancipation, and the steady called on Hobhouse. "He appeared to progress of the Reform party in the me," says our author, a very straightforHouse of Commons, where our autobi-ward intelligent young man," and this cirographer played no inconsiderable part. cumstance led Hobhouse to take a warm He took an active share in debate. His interest in Belgian independence. speeches laid no claim to high-flown elo- following account of an interview between quence, but they were full of good sense, the young emissary and the old Duke is and they were expressed with a sharpness curious:of wit that made him a formidable antagonist. He was not afraid to cross swords with Canning in a passage of studied sarcasm and invective, to which Canning made no reply; and some of his bon mots were long remembered. It was on one of these occasions that Hobhouse first ap-ceive him. He gave me an account of what plied the expression "His Majesty's Opposition" to the anti-ministerial side of the House. Canning took up the expression as a happy one; and Tierney expanded it by saying, "No better phrase could be adopted, for we are certainly a branch of His Majesty's Government. Although the gentlemen opposite are in office, we are in power. The measures are ours, but all the emoluments are theirs!" But the joke originated with Mr. Hobhouse. It was in one of these debates of the præ-Reform period that Canning in the course of an elaborate defence of the borough system urged that it formed an essential element of the British Constitution, since it had "Grown with our growth, and strengthened with our strength.' 'Mr. Vandeweyer told me that the Duke of Wellington had written to him a very polite went, and was much surprised, so he told me, note in the morning, asking to see him. He to see an infirm old man in an arm-chair, from which he raised himself with difficulty to re passed between them. 'Although,' said he, 'I am no diplomatist, I knew there was an advantage in not speaking first; and, as the Duke had invited me, and I had not invited myself, I remained silent. So did the Duke for a short time, and then began to talk. He showed that he knew what had passed between Lord Aberdeen and me, and between the Prince of Orange and me. He was extremely civil, and said, "Je vous donne ma parole d'honneur qu'il n'y a pas la moindre intention de notre part de nous mêler dans vos affaires." He added that the Conference of which I had complained had quite another object; and then the Duke said that he hoped the Belgians, in choosing a form of Government, would take care not to give cause for disquiet to neighbouring nations." I answered that we "should take care of that, provided there was no intervention; but that, if there was, we should infallibly throw ourselves into the arms of France." "That," replied the Sir Francis Burdett took up the quota-Duke, "would infallibly lead to a general war; tion in reply, and said, "The Right Honourable Gentleman doubtless remembers the first line of the distich he has cited, and that it is "The young disease, which must subdue at length, Grows with our growth and strengthens with our strength.' besides which, the French would act in concert with us, and would not accept you." I said, "We are aware that, at first, the French Government would not accept us; but we should appeal to the French People, and, in a short time, the Government would accept us. As for the war, the people would fight their own battles, and have nothing to fear." "I asked Vandeweyer whether, under all the circumstances, he would wish me to bring on Canning acknowledged that the retort my Bel rian motion. He answered Yes' and was a happy and a just one. he then told me that he had been chosen Mem The year 1830 was destined to witness ber for Brussels. I shook hands with him, and changes of a momentous character. Wil-begged him to take care of himself. Не ар peared to me to be a most amiable, most hon- | exclamations,—all but Sir Robert Peel; he ourable, and most intelligent man; and five-looked serious and angry, as if he had discovered and-thirty years of intercourse with him have that the Ministers, by the boldness of their not altered the opinion that I then formed of him." (Vol. ii. pp. 50-52.) We have never heard any explanation of the fact that on the formation of Lord Grey's Government to carry the Reform Bill, Sir Francis Burdett and Hobhouse, who were certainly two of the oldest and staunchest Reformers in Parliament, were not invited to join it. "It was soon known," says Hobhouse after the Duke's resignation, "that the King had sent for Lord Grey, whom Sir Francis Burdett had seen." measure, had secured the support of the country. Lord John seemed rather to play with the clauses which seemed to complete the scheme, fears of his audience; and, after detailing some smiled and paused, and said, More yet.' This 'more,' so well as I recollect, was Schedule B, which took away one member from some boroughs that returned two previously. When Lord John sat down, we, of the Mountain, cheered long and loud; although there was hardly one of us that believed such a scheme could, by any possibility, become the law of the land. "We all huddled away, not knowing what to think - the Anti-Reformers chuckling with "Lord Durham (Privy Seal that is to be) delight at what they supposed was a suicidal told me that all was going well and nearly set-project, and the friends of Ministers in a sort of tled. Going home soon afterwards, I received a wonderment. I recollect that a very good man, note from him, saying that Lord Grey would Mr. John Smith, a brother of Lord Carrington's, like to see me the next day. Accordingly I caused much amusement by saying that Ruswent to his house, and waited there some time, sell's speech made his hair stand on end. but came away without seeing him. I was, for once, wise enough to say nothing about this, neither at the time, nor ever afterwards; although many explanations were offered to me subsequently by those who, whatever they were before, became my intimate official friends." (Vol. ii. p. 57.) This is a curious passage; for it shows that Burdett and Hobhouse were thought of (as was natural) but not employed. But they gave a firm and unwavering support to the Government, and they used their influence in the most serviceable manner by moderating the violence of their own followers.* Then came the Bill. "At last came the great day-Tuesday, March 1. I went to the House at twelve o'clock, and found all the benches, high and low, on all sides, pa'ched with names. With much difficulty I got a vacant space on the fourth bench, nearly behind the Speaker, almost amongst the Opposition and the AutiReformers. "Lord Howick and others asked me if I was satisfied. I told them I did not know what to say to the 107. qualification for householders in towns. Sir Robert Peel, with his usual quickness and sagacity, took care, at the end of the. debate, to ask for an explanation of this part of the scheme, which, certainly, partook more of disfranchisement than any other reform, and was calculated to make the whole plan unpopular. "Burdett and I walked home together, and both agreed that there was very little chance of the measure being carried. We thought our Westminster friends would oppose the 107. qualification clause; but we were wrong; for, calling the next day on Mr. Place, we found him delighted with the Bill, and were told that all our supporters were equally pleased with it. We were told that a Westminster public meeting was to be called immediately, to thank and congratulate the King." (Vol. ii. pp. 77-79.) We shall not attempt to follow our author through his animated descriptions of the debates on the first Reform Bill. "Lord John Russell began his speech at six Nothing retains less of its original life o'clock. Never shall I forget the astonishment than a Parliamentary discussion in the of my neighbours as he developed his plan. pages of history. The scene itself is all action the tone of the speakers, the emoIndeed, all the house seemed perfectly astounded; and when he read the long list of the boroughs tion of the audience, and the uncertainty to be either wholly or partially disfranchised, of the result, raise the feelings of those there was a sort of wild ironical laughter, mixed who are present to the highest pitch of with expressions of delight from the ex-Minis- excitement; but the fire is soon burnt ters, who seemed to think themselves sure of re- out, and but little remains of the most covering their places again immediately. Our splendid displays of oratory and pasown friends were not so well pleased. Baring sion. The great trial of strength came Wall, turning to me, said,They are mad; at last on General Gascoyne's motion they are mad!' and others made use of similar that the number of knights, citizens, and burgesses for England and Wales ought A peerage was subsequently offered by Lord Grey to Sir F. Burdett. He was gratified by the offer, but declined to leave the House of Commons. not to be diminished. The end seemed at hand, for on the 20th of April the Govern ment were beaten by eight votes. Two days afterwards Hobhouse learned that the King was resolved to come down in person to thank Parliament for granting the Civil List and to dissolve it. Sir Richard Vivyan was in the act of delivering a furious and factious speech against Ministers. He was called to order by Burdett and Tennyson, but in vain. member that the party who had been in possess- On the 11th of August, 1831, Sir Benjamin Hobhouse died and his son succeed"Vivyan again spoke; the cannons an-ed to the baronetcy. A short time afternounced the approach of the King; and at each wards, in February 1832, Lord Althorp discharge of the guns the Ministerialists cheered loudly, as if in derision of the orator's solemn sentences. At last the roaring of the cannon, the laughter, and our cheering fairly beat the Baronet, and he suddenly sat down. to Sir John Hobhouse to take office as was authorized by the Cabinet to propose Secretary of War. The office was not particularly agreeable to him, especially Peel, quite beside himself, now jumped up; as he stood committed to strong opinions so did Burdett. The Speaker, not quite fairly, against flogging in the army. But a sense called on Peel, and Lord Althorp rose. The of duty to his friends and to the party calls for Peel, Burdett, Althorp, and Chair, now prevailed, and he accepted the appointwere heard in wild confusion. The floor was ment to their great satisfaction. The covered with members; half the House left King gave him a most gracious reception their seats, and the Opposition seemed perfectly when he kissed hands and said, "I trust frantic; William Bankes looked as if his face your manners will be as pleasing in interwould burst with blood; Peel stormed; the course on public matters, as your father Speaker was equally furious; Lord Althorp stood was in private life." He was then sworn silent and quite unmoved. At last the Speaker of the Privy Council with the usual formarecovered himself, and said, I am quite sure I understand what the noble Lord moves— - he lities. It is important to remark that this moves that Sir Robert Peel be heard.' Althorp proposal of office by Lord Althorp was assented, and after some more shouting and screaming, Sir Robert Peel was heard. The Black Rod cut short his oration just as he seemed about to fall into a fit. Then the Speaker, with a face equally red and quivering with rage, rose, and, followed by many members went to the Lords. But Peel was not the only over-excited performer on that day; for Sir Henry Hardinge crossed the House, and said, The next time you hear those guns they will be shotted, and take off some of your heads. I do not mean yours,' said he to me, for you have been always consistent; but those gentlemen,' pointing to the Ministers. The Speaker returned and read the Royal Speech at the table - it was an admirable speech indeed. "Lord Althorp, Sir James Graham, and myself, walked away together, and stopped to see the King pass the door of the hat-room. He was much cheered; but the crowd was not great. Lord Althorp said to me, Well, I think I beat Peel in temper;' as, indeed, he had most completely. "We were joined in Palace-yard by Lord Goderich, who told us that the scene in the House of Lords had been more disgraceful than that in the Commons. Lord Londonderry had shaken his fist at the Duke of Richmond; and the Lord Chancellor had been hooted by the Opposition Peers when he left the woolsack, and Lord Shaftesbury had been voted into his seat. Lord Tankerville told me that the angry Lords would, without the least scruple, have voted off the Ministers' heads that day. All this fury and despair were not surprising when we re accompanied by a positive assurance that Ministers would carry the Reform Bill, though their own tenure of office was not likely to be permanent. The position of Lord Grey and his colleagues was peculiar and even unprecedented. They had not the ordinary resource of withdrawing from office. They stood pledged to the country to carry the measure, which implied that they were bound to employ the means necessary to carry it. But on the nature and extent of those means they were not at all agreed among themselves, as Hobhouse soon found out. Although he was not in the Cabinet, the assurance given him by Lord Althorp gave him a right to insist on the adoption of decisive measures, and throughout this critical period he advocated with great energy the creation of Peers as indispensable to ensure the result. The following important conversation explains his position: The House of Commons met at twelve the next day (11th February). Going down to Westminster, I met Lord Howick, who said he wanted to speak with me; and, accordingly, we walked together for some time. He told me that he had had a conversation with his father the night before, and that Lord Grey still hesitated about creating Peers previously to the second reading. Lord Howick said that his father was not aware of the consequences of rejecting the Bill; and that, in fact, he was not aware The even of the paramount importance of the meas- "The next day I called on Lord Durham. ure itself, and confessed that, had he known what He told me that on the previous Thursday he would ensue, would never have embarked in it. had, through Lady Durham and Lady Grey, Lord Grey added, that, up to a certain time, he conveyed to Lord Grey his intention of resignand all the Cabinet were resolved upon the cre- ing, unless the Bill was made quite safe in the ation of Peers; but that Brougham fell ill, and House of Lords. He assured me that, when he then took fright, which was communicated to persuaded me to accept office, everything was Lord Grey. Now Lord Brougham had re- decided upon. As many Peers as were thought covered from his panic, and Lord Grey had his requisite were to be made, either at once, or by doubts. He was most decidedly adverse to degrees; and on this the whole Cabinet seemel swamping the peerage, and desired to retire determined, but Brougham's illness made him from office. He did not seem aware that he flinch, and his flinching raised doubts in Lord could not do that without losing his character, Grey; and both together revived the hesitation and risking the ruin of the country. Lord in that portion of the Cabinet that hl origHowick concluded by begging me to call on his inally objected to the creation of Peers. It father, and state my opinion. I said, 'I seemed that the Duke of Richmond, although as would do so;' and added that, if the Bill strong for Reform as any member of the Cabiwas allowed to be lost, I should consider that net, was still very averse to the creation of the Cabinet had broken its pledge with me, Peers. Lord Melbourne also was against, also made through Lord Althorp, and that I should Lord Palmerston; and, strongest of all, John be wantonly sacrificed.' Lord Howick as- Russell- -a discovery which, Lord Durham sented to this view, and repeated his entreaties said, he had made only a day or two ago. that I would see Lord Grey at once-not a others were for the creation, Lord Holland moment was to be lost. Some of the young strongly. Stanley (so long as Lord Grey apmen who were to be called to the Upper House proved) also for it. Lord Goderich very manhad began to cool; others might refuse and it fully; also Graham, and Grant, and Durham. would take some time to make out a fresh list. These, with the Lord Chancellor and the Prime I replied that I should prefer a meeting of Minister, were, of course, a majority. HowMembers of Parliament to advise Lord Grey. ever, when the Lord Chancellor seemed to waLord Howick remarked that his father would ver, matters took another turn; but when he not like that; he would call it dictation, and became right again, their prospects improved." would prefer friendly advice given privately. I (Vol. ii. pp. 179–182.) confess I was mightily surprised, and not a little alarmed, that a man with so much power, so Lord Durham, whose confidence in his much honesty, and so much intellect, should be father-in-law was limited, and who was so indifferent to his own glory and to the best irritated because he did not get as much interests of the country. I went to Sir Francis credit for his own share in the Bill as he Burdett, and had a long conversation with him. thought he deserved, confirmed these parHe felt as I did; and wrote to Lord Grey. He ticulars, and added that the Cabinet was told me that I ought to save myself, and resign not kept together without the greatest office the moment I discovered that it was in- difficulty. Lord Althorp allayed Hobtended to risk the loss of the Bill, by not doing house's apprehensions by assuring him that which the Administration had the power of that doing. Sir Francis added that taking this unless we have a moral certainty of carryBrougham and I will go out also, course might, perhaps, destroy the Government; but the fault would not be mine. To sac-with this chance of quitting office. But to ing the measure;" and he seemed pleased rifice me would not save them, nor ought they this Hobhouse replied that "if it was generally suspected he might have carried the measure, and would not do it, he would be stoned in the streets; and if the other party came in there was no small chance of his coming to the scaffold." Althorp calmly rejoined, "I think so, too; I have long thought so." Upon another occasion Lord Althorp concluded a similar conversation by saying: to be saved.' "This day I dined at the Speaker's - my first Ministerial dinner. I sat between Charles Grant and Poulett Thompson, and had some serious talk with them both, and told them what I had resolved to do. Taking Grant afterwards to the Duke of Sussex's conversazione (of F. R. S.) at Kensington, I told him I should go to Lord Grey before the Council the next day, and would resign office if I was not assured that the Bill was to be carried. He said I was quite right. I spoke to him, as one of the Cabinet, with the utmost freedom and unreserve, for I felt that it was absolutely necessary to take some decisive step. I thought the creation of Peers, were it ever so objectionable, was nothing in comparison with the consequences of rejecting the Bill, and bringing back the old set and the old system. 66 : "That he would carry the Bill, but he would not promise to remain in power afterwards. He talked very confidentially of his own repugnance to office, and declared that it destroyed all his happiness; adding that he had removed his pistols from his bedroom, fearing that he might shoot himself." Such are the secrets of the human breast! Who could have |