I.e. James, By SAMUEL SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN († 1635), a French naval officer, founder of Quebec, and later gov ernor of Canada. boate; as holding it much better to please the kyng (with whome, and all of his command, he had made so faire way) then [than] to prosecute his owne fancye or satisfye our requests. So, upon one of the little iletts at the mouth of the falls, he sett up a crosse, with this inscriptyon, "Iacobus, Rex, 1607; " and his owne name belowe. At the erecting hereof, we prayed for our kyng, and our owne prosperous succes in this his actyon [action]. . . . So farr as we could discerne the river above the overfall, it was full of huge rocks. About a myle of[f], it makes a pretty bigg iland. It runnes up betweene highe hilles, which increase in height, one above another, so farr as wee sawe. Now, our kynde [kind] consort's relatyon sayth (which I dare well beleeve, in that I found not any one report false of the river so farr as we tryed, or that he told us untruth in any thing els whatsoever), that, after a daye's jorney or more, this river devyds [divides] itselfe into two branches, which both wind from the mountaynes Quirauck. Here he whispered with me, that their caquassun [copper] was gott in the bites of rocks, and betweene cliffs in certayne vaynes [veins]. . . . American Antiquarian Society, Transactions and Collections ([Boston,] 1860), IV, 40–48 passim. ON 6. A French Exploration (1615) ... N the 9th of the month [July, 1615] I embarked with two others, namely, one of our interpreters and my man, accompanied by ten savages in . . . . . . two canoes We continued our voyage up the River St. Lawrence some six leagues Continuing our journey by land, after leaving the river of the Algonquins, we passed several lakes where the savages river in 1534 carry their canoes, and entered the lake of the Nipissings . . had discov ered the (see Contemporaries, I, No. 35). The French enmity with the Iroquois, begun in the manner de Thence I had them guide me to Carhagouha, which was fortified by a triple palisade of wood thirty-five feet high for its defence and protection. In this village Father Joseph was staying, whom we saw and were very glad to find well. On the twelfth day of August the Recollect Father celebrated the holy mass, and a cross was planted near a small house apart from the village, which the savages built while I was staying there, awaiting the arrival of our men and their preparation to go to the war, in which they had importance been for a long time engaged. . . . I was glad to find this opportunity for gratifying my desire of obtaining a knowledge of their country. It is situated only seven days from where the Dutch go to traffic. The savages there, assisted by the Dutch, make war upon them, take them prisoners, and cruelly put them to death; and indeed they told us that the preceding year, while making war, they captured three of the Dutch, who were assisting their enemies, as we do the Attigouautans [a principal tribe of the Hurons], and while in action one of their own men was killed. . . . scribed by Champlain below, became a matter of great in the subsequent strug gles. - For 39; for other Old South xvii. Carhagouha = Gabriel, in the township of Tiny, Simcoe County, Canada. The Recol order of On the 9th of the month of October our savages going out to reconnoitre met eleven savages, whom they took prisoners. They consisted of four women, three boys, one girl, and three men one of the chiefs, on seeing the `prisoners, cut off the finger of one of these poor women as a beginning of their usual punishment; upon which I inter- lects were an posed and reprimanded the chief, Iroquet, representing to him that it was not the act of a warrior, as he declared himself to be, to conduct himself with cruelty towards women, who have no defence but their tears, and that one should treat them with humanity on account of their helplessness and weakness; and I told him that on the contrary this act would be deemed to proceed from a base and brutal courage, and that if he committed any more of these cruelties he would not give me heart to assist them or favor them in the Dutch trad ing place: See ContemAlbany. poraries, I, Nos. 38, 40. Cutting off fingers was a usual compliment of the Iroquois. In the origi nal there is or rude gun. For the purpose of setting fire to the fort. war. To which the only answer he gave me was that their enemies treated them in the same manner, but that, since this was displeasing to me, he would not do anything more to the women, although he would to the men. The next day, at three o'clock in the afternoon, we arrived before the fort of their enemies, where the savages made some skirmishes with each other, although our design was not to disclose ourselves until the next day, which however the impatience of our savages would not permit, both on account of their desire to see fire opened upon their enemies, and also that they might rescue some of their own men who had become too closely engaged, and were hotly pressed. Then I approached the enemy, and although I had only a few men, yet we showed them what they had never seen nor heard before; for, as soon as they saw us and heard the arquebus shots and the balls whizzing in their ears, they withdrew speedily to their fort, carrying the dead and wounded in this charge. We also withdrew to our main body, with five or six wounded, one of whom died. This done, we withdrew to the distance of cannon range, out of sight of the enemy, but contrary to my advice and to what they [the Indian allies] had promised me. the greater part of the savages began to carry wood against the palisades, but in so small quantity that the fire could have no great effect. There also arose such disorder among them that one could not understand another, which greatly troubled me. In vain did I shout in their ears and remonstrate to my utmost with them as to the danger to which they exposed themselves by their bad behavior, but on account of the great noise they made they heard nothing. Seeing that shouting would only burst my head, and that my remonstrances were useless for putting a stop to the disorder, I did nothing more, but determined together with my men to do what we could, and fire upon such as we could see. Meanwhile the enemy profited by our disorder to get water and pour it so abundantly that you would have said brooks were flowing through their spouts, the result of which was that the fire was instantly extinguished, while they did not cease shooting their arrows, which fell upon us like hail. But the men on the cavalier [rampart] killed and maimed many. We were engaged in this combat about three hours, in which two of our chiefs and leading warriors were wounded, namely, one called Ochateguain and another Orani, together with some fifteen common warriors. The others, seeing their men and some of the chiefs wounded, now began to talk of a retreat without farther fighting, in expectation of the five hundred men, whose arrival could not be much delayed. Thus they retreated, a disorderly rabble. Moreover the chiefs have in fact no absolute control over their men, who are governed by their own will and follow their own fancy, which is the cause of their disorder and the ruin of all their undertakings; for, having determined upon anything with their leaders, it needs only the whim of a villain, or nothing at all, to lead them to break it off and form a new plan. Thus there is no concert of action among them, as can be seen by this expedition. Now we withdrew into our fort . . . and . it was not possible to return again against their enemies, as I told them it was their duty to do. E. F. Slafter, editor, Voyages of Samuel de Champlain (translated by Charles Pomeroy Otis, in Prince Society, Publications, Boston, 1882), III, 111–134 passim. C By JOHN EVELYN (1620-1706), a man intimate with many distinguished contemporaries, a type of an accom plished and public-spirited gentleman of the seventeenth diary is one "of the best CHAPTER II-CONDITIONS OF SETTLEMENT 7. Life in England (1652–1668) MARBRECEPHA ARCH 6 [1652]. Saw the magnificent funeral of that Arch-rebell Ireton, carried in pomp from Somerset House to Westm [Westminster], accompanied with divers regiments of souldiers horse and foote; then marched ye mourners, Gen'. Cromwell (his father-in-law), his mockparliament-men, officers, and 40 poore men in gownes, 3 led horses in housings of black cloth, 2 led in black velvet, century. His and his charging-horse all cover'd over with embrodery and gold on crimson velvet; then the guydons [flags], ensignes, 4 heraulds carrying the armes of the State (as they cal'd it), namely, ye red crosse and Ireland, with the casq[ue], wreath, sword, spurrs, &c.; next, a chariot canopied of black velvet and 6 horses, in which was the corps[e]; the pall held up by the mourners on foote; the mace and sword, with other marks of his charge in Ireland (where he died of ye plague), carried before in black scarfs. Thus in a grave pace, drums cover'd with cloth, souldiers reversing their armes, they proceeded through the streetes in a very solemn manner. mirrors of the period, and illustrates the life of gentle men, like Winthrop and Penn, who came to America. For an earlier description of England, see Contemporaries, I, No.44. "Mockparliament men members of the "Long Parliament." Punishment by fire disappeared about forty years later. ... 10 May. Passing by Smithfield I saw a miserable creature burning who had murder'd her husband. I went to see some workmanship of that admirable artist Reeves, famous for perspective and turning curiosities in ivorie. ... 11 [June]. ... The weather being hot, and having sent my man on before, I rod[e] negligently under favour of the shade, till within three miles of Bromley, at a place |