wisdom, and signifies, 'Let your conversation be seasoned with Attic salt,' and the wine signifies purification, aud admonishes the student, thenceforward, to lay aside all uncleanliness, and to live a pure life."

It seems that the German round dances were looked upon with disfavor by the College Faculty, when they first appeared. The statutes of Ingolstadt, in 1546, say:-"We shall punish those who are immodest in dancing, aud who carry young women round in a circle, in violation of the ordinary forms of decent dancing." The good dancers would grumble, I fear, if, at our Promenades, those who "carry young women round in a circle," were sent to Farmington by the Faculty. Doubtless, in Germany, the law is a dead letter ere now, and many a "bursch" waltzes with really pretty frauleins, strange as it may seem, at the Dutch Balls.

:

I may very properly conclude this compilation of old stories, with a quotation from a very sensible letter from the famous Schuppius to his son, who was about to enter the University. He says to him:"You may imagine that at the Universities they sup clear wisdom up by spoonfuls, and that no folly can be seen at any corner; but when you come there, you must be a fool for the first year. You know that I have spared no pains or money upon you, and that you have not grown up behind your father's stove, but that I have carried you about from one place to another, and that already a great lord has looked upon you with pleasure, and given you a place at his table. But you must forget this. For it is a part of wisdom to be foolish. with the age, and to give in to its manners, so far as conscience will allow. Let yourself be plagued and abused this year, not only in good German, but in slang. When an old Wetterauer or Vogelsberg Milk-cudgel steps up and pulls your nose, let it not appear singular to you; endorse it, and harden yourself to it. Olim meminisse juvabit.' I warn you faithfully against becoming yourself one of the gang of Schorists after the Pennal year is over," Doubtless the boy followed all but the last item of advice. After all, our follies of Freshman and Sophomore year, are, for the most part, harmless, and are always delightful thereafter to remember. In sooth, old Schuppius, whoever you were, you uttered a deeper philosohy than you thought of, when you told the Freshman that "it is the part of wisdom. to be foolish with the age!"

G. C. H.

The Political Rights of Yale.

THE title at the head of this Article was chosen, first out of ignorance, and has been retained, because it is the most complete misnomer that can be imagined. Your College has no political rights. She never had any. She claimed the privilege once of governing herself; but the State fought that, long ago, and now, instead of granting peculiar privileges, refuses the student even a common citizen's suffrage. The General Assembly of Connecticut once claimed a political origin for Yale, as having been founded by the government; but President Clap, as we shall have occasion to mention later, proved the contrary even of that. Yale College was founded by ten ministers, to "uphold the Protestant Religion," which means, to preserve the orthodox tenets of the Puritan creed. For that was the only religion endured by these great-hearted men, who willingly endured exile for freedom of conscience, to persecute, instead of be persecuted. This orthodox devotion they consistently upheld for half a century, till the State interfered. In the first plan of the College, the Faculty was to consist of a Rector (President) and Tutors. The only duties enjoined upon the Rector were, "to take especial care, that the students be weekly caused, memoriter, to recite the Assembly's Catechism in Latin, and Ames' Theological Theses; and upon the Sabbath, to either expound practical theology, or cause the non-graduated students to repeat sermons." That the Rector gave instructions in other branches, is indeed true; but these, the only particular duties assigned to him, show the unrelenting Puritanism that swayed the minds of the founders. But even such precautions proved insufficient. It was at length found necessary to inaugurate a special Professor of Divinity, who was most severely examined "as to his soundness;" expressed his belief in innumerable creeds; declared abhorrence of innumerable other ones; and finally renounced "all the errors and heresies, which commonly go under the name of Arianism, Socinianism, Armenianism, Pelagianism, Antinomianism, and Enthusiasm." At which indisputable orthodoxy, the historian remarks, the worthy founders congratulated themselves mightily; though, in their latter days, it would hardly be a matter of such difficulty to find a candidate, untainted by the last-mentioned

error.

In 1745 the General Assembly granted a new charter, for the confirmation of the College. By this the President, Fellows, Professors, and every Tutor, were required to swear allegiance to George I., to favor the succession of the Heirs of the late Princess Sophia, and to extinguish the hopes of the pretended Prince of Wales, and his open and secret Abettors. For this great alliance to the King's interests, it was granted that "the persons and families of the President and Professors, and the persons of the Tutors and Students, shall be freed and exempted from all working at highways, and such other like duties and services." This privilege has never been withdrawn.

About this time, (1748,) the Laws of the College were drawn up and printed in Latin, being the first book ever put through a press in New Haven. The historian remarks, with much appearance of truth, "that many of the present laws of the College are found in this code."

Owing to the privileges of this new charter, and the attractive advertisement of this edition, the number of students vastly increased, making a new building necessary. To raise the requisite money, the President instituted a Lottery, from which he realized £500 sterling; and South Middle College was built in 1752. At the Commencement of that year, the President and Fellows ordered, that the new College be called and named Connecticut Hall, and then walked in procession into it, and the Beadle made the following declaration :

"Cum e Providentia Divinæ Favore, per Coloniæ Connecticutensis munificentiam gratissimam, hoc novum Edificium Academicum, Fundatum et Erectum fuevit; in perpetuam taentæ Generositatis Memoriam, Aedes haec nitida et splendida. Aula Connecticutensis nuncupetur."

Oh! noble South Middle! Aula nitida et splendida! Thy name indeed is forgotten; but yet, in thy lustrous splendor we behold apt representative of this great State!

Yale College, then, has never had, or pretended to have, any influence in the State, as an institution. In 1763, on petition of several prominent ministers and gentlemen, the General Assembly of Connecticut took into consideration a Committee of Visitation, still "to preserve orthodoxy in the governors of the College." But Puritan blood still coursed in the veins of President Clapp. He appeared before the Assembly, and triumphantly refuted the legal right of the government to take any such measures; thus vanquishing the colonial lawyers on their own ground. He claimed the necessity for discipline that absolute power, without appeal be in the hands of the Faculty. He boldly threw back the retort of heterodoxy, and ended

with a threat of appeal to the king. "The Legislature took no measures on the memorial." In 1792, a project was propounded of lay members in the Corporation, which was accepted by the College. By this arrangement, the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, and the Six Senior Assistants in the Council, were admitted among the Fellows, and the College received from the State $40,000; $5,000 initiation fee for each new member. This organization still continues; and each enlightened Fenian, who cast a vote April second, had a voice in the appointment of eight members of the Corporation of Yale College.

Yet the enlightened Board of this same State, for this very election, have denied students of Yale College the suffrage of the State, for the simple and absurd reason of their being students. On their own decision, and contrary to the precedent of former years, they have adopted and put in practice an educational disqualification. Though one be a wanderer on the face of the earth, when not in New Haven, unless that town be written down in the Catalogue as his home, no other proof may establish his residence. There is wonderful credit in the printed text, with these philosophers. That middle column in the Catalogue outweighs all else. I swear residence in New Haven today; three years ago I gave the residence of my father, or family, or the home of my boyhood, as Kamschatka; therefore my oath to-day cannot be accepted. I have lived here forty weeks out of the fifty-two, for three years, but in four or five months I intend to leave New Haven; therefore I am no resident. But hundreds of men go to the polls, with allegiance sworn to interests beyond the seas, and avowed intention to make that oath a war-cry, in spite of American interests, long e'er I graduate. Yet the future troubles not their residence-qualification. The 618 students in Yale College spend annually as many thousand dollars in New Haven, on which its tailors, and grocers, and butchers, and bakers, grow fat and insolent. In this same town, there are men, known by their black moustaches and yellow overcoats, their hang-dog looks and drunken ignorance, who, like vampires, in the dead of night, suck a stolen subsistence from the blood of the community; but who exercise their suffrage without a question. In some regulations, a man lives where his washing is done. The washerwomen of Yale College are an Amazonian host. But did any one inquire of the 900 new voters upon the New Haven Registry list, where they had their washing done? or whether indeed they had any? Why, then, cannot a student vote? Simply because he is under an educational disqualification. His suffrage is denied him, for the single reason of his connection, for purposes of education, with the institu

tion of Yale College. We have said before, that this institution has no political rights; that is, none that are positive and peculiar; but it has the common negative right, that connection with it shall not constitute a political disqualification. And this, the natural prerogative of every free institution, I claim has been outraged in a most open and bare-faced manner during the election of Governor of this State of Connecticut.

E. C., JR.

Learn to Labor and to Wait."

NEXT to "books in the running brooks," and "sermons in stones," I like the sermons that you find sometimes in some little, unpretending Poem. These you can always understand. These are never wearisome. These are short, simple and solemn.

You take up a book at odd moments, and look for the shortest piece. You begin without knowing that you are going to be sermonized, and end, hardly knowing that you have been. But you read over and over again, the lesson that the pages teach, and each time it seems more pleasing and more impressive.

There is all the fascinating influence of the poetry, as such; andno, I will not say it-there are not all the effects of a long and labored sermon. For you are not drowsy, you are not tired out, you are not vexed with you: self and with every one else. But you are thoughtful and serious. You begin to wonder, sadly, why you are not better, and why your past life has been so ineffective. And you wish that every one could be good and noble and happy. And then, as you come still more into the spirit of the earnest words before you, you determine that your living shall not be all in vain; that you will do something to enhance the happiness of others; that you will try, henceforth, harder than ever, to "avoid evil and do good."

Thus your soul filled with these high aspirations, and your attention held by the deep import of a closing line, you lay down the volume of verses, and take up anew, and with strengthened purpose, the duties of every day.