have stopped payment. The newspaper of Norfolk, in Virginia, that scene of infamous treatment towards our naval officers, says: "However incredible it may appear, we "have it from good authority that Major "Lee, a Notary Public of Charlestown, "made lately 1200 dollars in the course of one day by protesting notes!!!"-To this I will add the petition of 269 seamen to the Mayor of Baltimore, in Maryland: "Your petitioners sheweth, that by reason

of the embargo, they are reduced to the "necessity of applying to your Honour for "relief. Many of us are now in arrears to our landlords, and our prospects are bad, as we are incapable of gaining a support by any other means than by our profes"sion as seamen. We humbly pray of your Honour to assist us in this our dis"tressed situation, and your petitioners, as "in duty bound, will for your Honour and "for the prosperity of the Port of Baltimore "always pray."--From petitioning they will come to demanding, and then, like the fishermen of Marblehead, they will proceed to robbery and open seizure. In short, anarchy stares the government full in the face, and that, too, at the same time, and from the same cause, that the sole source of public revenue is totally dried up. And, this is the nation that was to bully England! This is the nation who joined the French and the vassals of the Czar of Muscovy in toasting the liberty of the seas!" This is the nation, at the sound of whose hostile voice the English trident was to be hidden under those waves, which, for so many ages, it had ruled! This is the nation, whose chief had the audacity to demand of us the surrender of our right to search for our own seamen, and to whom, it is but too evident, the late ministers would have made that surrender! I think, we shall have peace, and a lasting peace, with America; but, if we have, it will be owing wholly to the resolution which the ministers have demonstrated, not to yield to their demands: for, I know their disposition weil, and I most seriously declare my belief, that, if suffered to proceed from demand to demand, they would not cease till they came to demand the crown from the king's head.- -We have here an example (the like of which is not unfrequently met with aniongst individuals) of a nation, brought to the brink of destruction merely by its arrogance and insolence. It stood in nced of no concession from us; it was carrying on a third part of the commerce of the whole world, notwithstanding the exercise of our maritime rights. It was fast increasing in wealth and population. It was happy, if

But, it must

it could have known its place. needs be a great nation; it must needs have its disputes; it must needs talk big; it must needs show the world that it could be insorent; when it thought the old lion was expiring, it must needs come with its hoof.Mr. A. B. of the Morning Chronicle (that is, I suppose, Mr. Alexander Baring) told us about the danger to be apprehended from the failure of supplies of corn from America. Mr. YOUNG (and I thank him for it) has told us, that the corn we get from thence was not worth mentioning; and, I beg the reader to observe, that, with all the ports of all the corn-countries in the world shut against us, and at the end of five years of war, indeed, fifteen years, with only ten months exception, wheat is sixteen pounds a load, and has not risen in price, in consequence of the stopping up of the channels of importation. But, as I told Mr. A. B. before, America cannot exist without the importation of rum, sugar, and woollens. These things the people will have, or they will destroy the government. The whole of the revenue of the state arose from a tax upon goods imported. This is gone. All gone. It cannot return but with a state of peace; and, I leave the reader to guess, whether it is likely to collect internal taxes from merchants and farmers and fishermen, whose affairs are in the state described in the above quoted paragraphs.→→→ The embargo, which has produced such alarming symptoms in America, seems to have had very little effect in this country, which that embargo was intended to punish. You hear no one crying out for want of credit or of employment. The American embargo is scarcely ever mentioned, any where; and, I'll engage, that, out of the fifteen millions of people, in England, Ireland, and Scotland, there are not more than half a million, who, at this moment, know that there is an embargo in America. Mr. Roscoe, indeed, and his rabble of merchants and car-men at Liverpool, to the number of three thousand, it seems, have met and petitioned about peace, introducing, at the end of a long string of unmeaning flummery about "attachment to his Majesty's person and family," an expression, relating to America, that bespeaks a mind of mere childhood. They say: trusting that, by a firm and dignified, but, at the same time, conciliatory conduct towards hostile and neutral states, your Majesty will be enabled not "only to maintain the yet unbroken rela"tions of peace and amity with a per nearly connected with us by the ties of common origin, and an advantageous "commercial intercourse, bat to restore, t

grandfather, or a great grandfather, of whose character or whose deeds, or whose existence at least, he can speak of; not having neither, he desires a country of long standing, to which he can say he belongs, or from which he can say he is descended. Of all the natural propensities of the human mind no one appears to be more general than a veneration for ancient things. This is a feeling, of which the Americans have been deprived. They are a nation without forefathers, without renown, and without a history. They have no monument of antiquity, to which to point; no memorial of past events; nothing round which to rally; no name, fame, or character to preserve. This, I think, has been the great cause of that total want of principle, which, every one says, has been creeping in upon them ever since the commencement of the revolution. They feel the deprivation of which we have been speaking, and, in their invention of a tutelary saint and the Order of Cincinnati, they have discovered their desire to supply the want of what they have lost. But these are miserable inventions. It is a vile mockery to see a fraudulent shop-keeper, who took up arms for the purpose of resisting the first demands of his creditors, assuming the name of an old Roman, who, after having saved his country in war, returned again to the plough. These tricks do not satisfy even the Americans themselves. They hate England, because she has all her greatness the same as she had before their revolution: They hate, in a less degree, the whole of the old nations of the world. They rejoice at revolution and destruction, wherever it takes place. If their wish were accomplished, there would be left in existence no establish ment of more than twenty years standing; the pride of ancestry, the example of noble deeds, the records of genius, of wisdom, and of virtue, would all be annihilated. -The cause of their malice towards England lies, then, very deep. It is not to be removed and, we have nothing but our power to protect us against the hostility, which will be continually therefrom arising. I have often said to them: "You are free, as you say. "You boast of your triumph over us. Your "happy revolution has been accomplished. "You have got from us all you asked for. "You have, you say, reduced us to a little "nation. Well, then, why do you still "hate us? why are such pains taken to rear up your imps of children to curse us; why not bestow on us your pity, or, least, your contempt ?" They were never able to answer me; and the principal cause of their wicked machinations against me,

;

at

was, that I perpetually reminded them of the greatness of England, and forewarned, them of the consequences of provoking her hostility. They knew that I spoke the truth; and it was because they felt the truth," that they sought revenge.. -America has

long been boasting of her population. It is probable that she now equals England in that respect. But, where is the equality in point of force? When they used to remind me," that, in the course of twenty years, they should have a population equal to ours, I always begged them to bear in mind, that salt-petre and charcoal and sulphur and iron and brass and flint and wood were very impotent materials when lying scattered here and there, but, when formed into à cartridge and a musquet, they became formidable means of either protection or destruction; that their nation would still continue to be the scattered materials, and that England would continue to be the loaded musquet. They may now, perhaps, recollect some of my sayings; but, I am afraid, the recollection will only tend to harden their hearts, and, not having me within the reach of their cowardly revenge, induce them afresh to persécute my friends, for which persecution the public distresses will, if their embargo continue, supply them with pretences in abundance.

GENERAL WHITELOCKE.--The trial of this gentleman has, for nearly three months past, been, for the public attention, a formidable rival of the motions for papers and of Angelica Catalani. The two former are now at an end; but Angelica, by her continual refreshers to those worthy gentlemen, who instruct the English people, through the columns of the news-papers, appears to be resolved not to let go her hold of the ass's ears. The green room tribe have heretofore been content with puffs in the third person, sometimes singular and sometimes plural; but, Angelica, apparently despising this English sheepishness, boldly comes forward in the first person singular, and claps her name at the bottom of the bulletins, in which she details to the well-dressed vulgar, the rise and progress of all her quarrels and all her ailings it is quite a mercy that she forbears to go into other particulars. ——The General's trial was, I must confess, very little interesting to me. I was glad, that we did not possess Buenos Ayres, and that for the reasons, which I stated at the time; and, though I was very sorry for the loss of the men, I was not one of those, who, without any proof, concluded that the fault was wholly in the commander.-As to "popular clamour," I do not see that it has had any undue effect. That the

popular cry against him was loud and general it is certain; but, so it always is too against a famous robber, or murderer; yet, we do not conclude that the latter is innocent for that reason, nor, that he has, when condenined, had an unfair trial. The public will, and ought to, think, upon such subjects, and, it will, of course, express its opinion.

-The chief thing to be noticed, is, the deplorable ignorance of the military profes sion, which, it has been made to appear, existed in the army sent on the expedition to South America. But, how can it be otherwise, when we consider the motives, whence, in general, military officers are promoted? If the same system had prevailed in the French army, for the last fifteen years, France, instead of being the conqueror of Europe, would have been parcelled out between the several kings and princes, whom that army has dethroned.-— General Whitelocke appears to have acted the part of a conceited man; a man full of himself; a man overbearing and vain; but there is not, in my opinion, the smallest room for suspecting him of any evil intention. That his sentence is just is pretty evident; there can be little doubt of his being wholly unfit to serve in the army; and, there can be as little doubt of his being unfit before, as well as since, the expedition to South America.

Now that he has failed, the question comes, "who selected him for the service?" Some say, Mr. Windham; others the Duke of York. It is asserted, on one side, that Mr. Windham forced him upon the Duke, and, on the other side, that the Duke forced him upon Mr. Windham. Both assertions are, I am well assured, false. Who it was that first mentioned his name, as a fit person for the command, I. have not heard; but, 1 have heard, and from very good authority, that the appointment was determined on in consequence of the strongest recommendations, signed by several of the first officers in the military service. This being the fact (and the reader may rely upon its being so), the has army nothing to complain of, at any rate; for, if choice was a bad one, the fault rests with the army.-There never would have

been any dispute as to this point, had it not been for the workings of faction. Those who send out expeditions are by no means answerable for the conduct of the officers. To make a good choice is the duty of those who choose; but, they must, in most cases, be determined by the judgment of others; end, if an officer presents himself recom mended by men eminent in the service, the responsibility does certainly lie upon those

who give the recommendation.--In the circular letter, sent, by order of the Duke of York to the army, the passage which expresses his Majesty's consolation upon reflecting, that such disgraces as that of Buenos Ayres have never before happened to his army (or words to that amount) gave me great pleasure; for, some how or other, it had, previous to the reading of that letter, run in my head, that there had been, in some instances, affairs of nearly the same sort; and, at the hearing of the inten tion of trying General Whitelocke for his life, I thought the general might well exclaim, in the language of Macbeth," such "things have been done before, and men "slept quietly in their beds!" It did seem to me, that I had a faint recollection of an affair, which happened while I was from England, in which a general, after having been beaten in his attempt upon the interior of a country, retreated, with all convenient speed, to the spot where he had first landed, and there entered into a capitulation to evacuate the country in so long a time, and to give up a great number of prisoners, before taken, and elsewhere taken; from the enemy, by whom he had been beaten. I thought I heard of this; but, the circular letter of the Duke of York led me to believe, that it must have been a lie, invented by those sad rogues, the news-paper printers in America; a belief, in which I was confirmed, when I came to reflect, that I never, upon the occasion alluded to, heard of any court-martial, or even of any court of inquiry; nay, of no blame whatever, in any of the abominable and detestable news-pa. pers, who have been so ready to set up a cry upon the present occasion.--I am not at all sorry, observe, for the sentence upon general Whitelocke: I wish, with all my soul, that EVERY one, who has brought disgrace upon the army of England, whether through his cowardice or his stupidity, was..... not hanged, or shot; for no man can help being a coward or a fool; no man can help, if such be his weakness, hiding his head, when another looks him fall in the face; no man can, if he be half an ideot, help drivelling upon his frill and upon the collar of his coat; but, any man can help wearing a sword and receiving the public money, as a military officer, when he ought to be wheeling a barrow, and to become, himself, as soon as convenient, a wheel-barrow full of carrion. No, not hanged, or shot; but I would have EVERY such man cashiered; because, as his ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF YORK says, in his excellent circular letter, the sentence would be "a