a population equal to that of England, Wales and Scotland united, is a "weaker power,' that ought to think about her safety. Surprizing change of sentiment and language! and that produced, too, observe, without even bearing the firing of the cannon or the explosion of the shells.All is now gentle; I and Mr. Mitchell chooses to consider America as the abode of "a mild, an unoffending, " and peaceable people." Neither of these have they been towards us. During the last war, as I have shown, (Vol. 12. p. 901) they were guilty of every species of violence and injustice with respect to us; I have shewn, in the same article, how they fulfilled the treaty of 1794; and, no sooner did a favourable opportunity offer during this war, than they renewed the hostile demands, which had been refused them before. A "mild" people, indeed! Read their abusive publications: hear the language of their President and their Congress: read the toasts of their "citizens' in France and Russia; and, then, let the Morning Chronicle and its discomfitted faction call them a "mild" people as long as they please.What are these points in dispute," about which " year "after year have rolled away in fruitless negociation?" What is it that this "mild, unoffending, and peaceable people" have been demanding of us? First: that we should suffer them to inveigle away our seamen, and to keep them, in spite of us, on board their merchant ships as well as ships of war. Second that, when once the said seamen, or any other subjects of the king, have receiv ed from them a certificate of American citizenship, we shall acknowledge them as Ameri. cans, and even if we catch them fighting against their native country, shall treat them merely as prisoners of war. Third: that we shall allow them to shew, both in word and in deed, as much partiality towards our enemy as they please, and still observe towards them all the forbearance due to a nation impartially neutral. This is the substance of their principal demands. There are other points in dispute;" but, these are the chief points, and our fault has been, that we have ever suffered them to become matters of dispute. The minister who should admit either of them as a fit subject for negociation" would deserve to be hanged. My mind can conceive no mark of infamy due to his conduct. And, yet this is what the "mild, unoffending, peaceable" Americans demand of us. Our present ministers have, though not in a good manner, given them that answer, which the late ministers had not the sense, or the courage, to give

them. No negociators need now come to us from the grand "Amphyctionic Council," or from the "Capitol" of America. They have their answer in the king's proclamation and in his late orders of council; and they are in complete possession of every thing necessary to the forming of their judgment and their resolution with respect to the question of peace, or of war- -Mr. MITCHELL, too, must talk of England's" usurped dominion of the sea;" but says not a word about the usurpation of America upon what she is pleased to call her waters." What gives her a right of sovereignty there? Her power. That is to be tried; but, if power give her right upon those waters, why should it not give us a similar right were we have power? England's right of maritime dominion is as ancient as the name of England; and, are we now to be called usurpers of the seas, or of any thing, by Napoleon and the American Congress? The Americans plainly see, because they must plainly see, that the present exercise of our maritime power is absolutely necessary to our existence as an independent nation; but, they do not see, perhaps, that that existence is at all necessary. And, yet, there are men amongst us (though now very few in nomber) who abet their cause, who endeavour to apologize for, and even to justify, their malignant insolence.It is quite good to hear this Mr. Mitchell, who exclaims so strongly against the " usurped dominion” of England, express his readiness to grant whatever sums may be necessary to keep the Indian nations in subjection. He names several of these nations, and adds:" whatever " is necessary for teaching the Indians to "dread our displeasure, shall receive from

me all the countenance I can give." Now if we were to talk in this style of the Americans what would they say? And yet, would it be so unjust as it is in them to treat thus the poor wretches, whom they have already driven nearly out of existence? This is "usur"pation" in reality. They have driven off the people, and taken their territory. They hunt the owners of the soil as they hunt the wild beasts upon that same soil. And yet this gentleman talks quite glibly against those who "sweep away, like cobwebs, abstract "principles of right." We have dispossessed nobody upon the sea. We have killed nobody to get the dominion of it. The dominion is necessary to our existence as a great independent nation; and we exercise it with as little of exclusion and of rigour as the circumstances of the times will admit.Mr. MITCHELL, after making a circuit of the immense territory, called the United States,

and talking about fortifying and defending, moved for a committee" upon the subject. This is the way they go on the exclusion they generally come to is, to enquire; that is to say, not to conclude. This is the way, in which all their stormy sessions have been spent ; and this is the way in which the present will be spent.But, whence is the money to come for "fortifications and armed "vessels?" Why, Mr. MITCHELL says, that "the Treasury is in a condition to furnish the necessary sums without imposing a cent (a hundredth part of a dollar) of tax upon ourselves.". So this poor man, too, believes, in good earnest, that the tax upon imported cloth and rum is not paid by the people who consume them, but, in some incomprehensible way, by the manufacturer, the merchant, the ship, or the sea. And, I dare say, now, that he, good man, believes, that this additional tax upon goods imported would be wonderfully productive under a non-importation act. Not to push this sort of arguing any further, however; not to waste my little remaining room in trifling with the patience of the reader, I beg leave to state to him, that, in 1798, when some very trifling preparations were made for a resistance of the aggressions of France, the Congress was compelled to have recourse to internal taxes, and that, amongst others, taxes were imposed upon houses, land, and, if I mistake not, negroes. The tax upon whiskey, which had been imposed some years before, cost more than the whole of its produce in the quelling of an insurrection which the tax excited; and, before the taxes of 1798 could be repealed, it was neCessary to disband the handful of men that had been raised, to evacuate the few little posts that had been garrisoned, and to sell almost the whole of the naval stores and even the ships, belonging to the far-famed "American Navy This was, by most men in America, thought bad policy; but, with such grudging were the internal taxes paid, that Mr. Jefferson, by promising to disband, dismantle, and to abolish the taxes, gained his election against Mr. Adams. If this was the case with respect to a rupture with France, who was then at war with England, and who had scarcely a ship of the line left, what must be the expence of the means necessary to defend America against the navy of England?With a little knowledge of fortification, and with a good deal of knowledge as to the local situation and means of the principal sea-ports of Ame· rica, I give it as my decided opinion, that the whole revenue of that country, suppo

sing its commerce to continue uninterrupted and supposing the interest upon the nationa debt to cease to be paid, would not, in ten years time, put the principal towns upon the sea coast in a state of security against an English squadron, well prepared for a bombardment. We have a thousand officers, any one of whom would run his ship by the batteries of New York, and knock down the town about the ears of the invaders of Ja"maica." But, if we are to have war, we shall not need a war of this sort, and I should be very sorry to see such a war. All that we shall want, is, a good supply of frigates and sloops, orders of council and proclamations. Two frigates and four sloops of war stationed at five different places, with the addition of a line of battle ship at Marblehead, at Sandy Hook, at Hampton Roads, and at the mouth of the Mississippi, with an offer of free passage to the ships of every State that would disarow obedience to the edicts of the Congress, would settle the matter in eight or nine months, to the heart's content of all the parties concerned. The Americans know, that they cannot carry on a war against us. Their tone, you see, is already changed from "invasion of Jamaica "and Nova Scotia," to the defence of their own towns. The news from Copenhagen has taught them to think seriously; and, we shall soon hear, that, from making "mands" upon us, they will come to a complaint that we want to conquer and enslave them; which, not for us to do, they will be content, and will gladly go off with a boast, that they have, by their warlike preparations, frustrated the tyrannical designs, which we entertained against them. Well: with all my heart. I would not deprive them of this last refuge of their contemptible vanity. All that I want, is, to see them prevented from having ground whereon to boast of their having been suffered to assist in the degradation and ruin of England; and this, I trust, is what I shall see.

de

I did intend to have answered, in this sheet, my correspondent D, whose letter was published in my last I cold have wished also to make some remarks upon the Morning Chronicle's defence of Mr. Jeffezson's Speech, and upon its impudent observations with respect to the relative state of England and France, as dependent upon commerce, and as affected by the late orders of council. But, for want of room, these and other, topics, amongst which are the affairs of Jamaica, must be postponed.

Botley, Jan. 7, 1908.

OFFICIAL PAPERS.

PORTUGUESE EMIGRATION. -The following Letters were published in London, under the authority of Government, on the 19th of Dec. 1807.

(Continued from p. 52.)

His Majesty's Ship Hibernia, 22 leagues West of the Tagus, Dec. 1, 1807. Sir,In another dispatch of this day's date, I have transmitted a list of the Portuguese fleet that came out of the Tagus on the 29th ult. which I received that day from the hands of the Admiral commanding it, when I went on board the Principe Reale, to pay my visit of respect and congratulation to H. R. H. the Prince of Brazil, who was embarked in that ship. I here inclose the list of those left behind. The absence of but one of the 4 ships is regretted by the Portuguese (the Vasco de Gama) she being under repair her guns have been employed to arm the Freitea, 64, a new ship, and one of those which came out with the Prince. The other 3 are mere hulks; and there is also one ship on the stocks, the Principe Regente, but she is only in frame. The Prince said every thing that the most cordial feelings of gratitude towards, and confidence in, his Majesty and the British nation might be supposed to dictate. I have by signal (for we have no other mode of communicating in this weather) directed Capt. Moore, in the Marlborough, with the London, Monarch, and Bedford, to stay by the body of the Portuguese fleet, and render it every assistance.-I keep in the Hibernia close to the Prince's ship. I cannot as yet send the Foudroyant, Plantagenet, and Conqueror, on to Admiral Purvis, according to their Lordships' order of the 14th, which, I trust, will be the less felt as an inconvenience off Cadiz, as they appear to have been ordered thither with reference to the Russians being within the Straits, before it was known they were on my station. I have the honour to be, &c.— W SIDNEY SMITH. List of the Portuguese Ships that remained in Lisbon.

S. Sebastian, of 64 guns; unserviceable without a thorough repair.-Maria Prima, of 74 guns; unserviceable; ordered to be made into a floating battery, but not yet fitted.-Vasco de Gama, of 74 guns; under repair, and nearly ready.-Princesa de Beira, of 64 guns; condemned; ordered to be fitted as a floating battery.Frigates.-Fenix, of 48 guns; in need of thorough repair.-Amazona, of 44 guns; in need of ditto.-Perola, of 44 guns; in uced of ditto.-Tritao, of 40 guns; past repair.-Veney, of 30 guns; past repair. W. SIDNEY SMITH.

Hibernia, at Sea, lat. 37, 47. long. 11. 17. Dec. 6, 1907.

Sir, I have the satisfaction to acquaint you, for the information of my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that I succeeded in collecting the whole of the Portuguese fleet, except a brig, after the gale, and that the weather was such as to allow the neces sary repairs and such distribution of supernumeraries and resources to be made, as to enable Vice Admiral Don Manuel d'Acunha Sottomayor to report to me yesterday all the ships capable of performing the voyage to Rio Janeiro, except one line of battle ship, which he requested might be conducted to an English port. I meant to escort her part of the way, but she did not quit the fleet with me last night as settled. I hope, however, she may arrive safe, as she is not in a bad state, being substituted for the Martino de Freitas, which was at first destined to go to England, in consequence of a fresh arrangement made yesterday on the latter being found in the best state for the voy age of the two. I have detached Captain Moore in the Marlborough, with the London, Monarch, and Bedford, to attend the Portuguese fleet to the Brazils. I have thought it my duty, in addition to the usual order, to take the above ships under his orders, to give Capt. Moore one to hoist a broad pendant after passing Madeira, in or der to give him greater weight and consequence in the performance of the important and unusually delicate duties I have confided to him. I feel the most perfect reliance in that officer's judgment, ability, and zeal.— The Portuguese ships did not, after their repartition, want more provisions or slops from us than the list enclosed, which I supplied from this ship and the Conqueror. This dispatch will be delivered by Capt. Yeo, of his Majesty's ship Confiance, who has shewn great address and zeal in opening the com munications by flag of truce, which it was the interest of those in power, who were against the measure of emigration to obstruct. Lord Strangford speaks of his conduct in terms of warm approbation; on this ground I beg leave to recommend him to their Lordships, to whom his general merits as an officer are already well known. Having been in Lisbon without restraint during the intercourse, he is qualified to answer any questions their Lordships may wish to put to him. I have the honour to be, &c.W. SIDNEY SMITH.

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Memorandum.-The Diana merchant vessel, having on board about sixty British subjects, who had been detained in consequence of the embargo, came out of the Ta

cer of the imperial customs on that station, of the place from which they sailed, as well as of those which they touched at, and shall deliver to him their manifesto, bills of lading, sea papers and registers. When the captain shall have signed this declaration, and delivered up his papers, the custom-house officers shall interrogate the sailors, one by one, in presence of two head collectors; if it appear, from this examination, that the ship has touched at an English port, beside the seizure and confiscation of the ship and cargo, the captain, as well as those of the sailors, who, upon their examination, have nade a false declaration, shall be made prisoners, and shall not be liberated till after paying a sum of six thousand francs by way of penalty for the captain, and a sum of 500 francs for each of the arrested sailors, in addition to the penalties incurred by those who falsify their sea-papers and registers.—Art. V. If the advices and information communicated to the director of our customs resident at Hamburgh, excite suspicions with regard to the origin of the cargoes, they shall be pro. visionally deposited in warehouses, till it has been ascertained and decided, that they come neither from England nor from her colonies. -Art. VI. The line of officers of the customs formed upon the Elbe, and the frontiers of Holstein, shall be augmented by 100 men. The director general of our customs shall give the necessary orders for placing overseers detached from that line, at the ports situated on the mouth of the Weser, and for their exercising the strictest inspection of all ships which shall approach.--Art. VII. The inspectors of customs, are authorised to make visits to the Isle of Neuwerk, and to the Wats, or other little isles situated in the mouths of the Elbe and Wezer.-Art. VIII. The commandants of troops of the line, and of the Gens d'Armerie, are bound to lend their aid to these inspectors, as often as they shall be required to do so by the chief custom house officers of the district.-Art. IX. Our ministers of war and finance, are charged, each in his own department, with the execution of this decree.

as are necessary for vindicating the honour of his Crown, and procuring reparation and satisfaction, his Majesty therefore is pleased, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that general reprisals be granted against the ships, goods, and subjects, of the Emperor of all the Russias (save and except any vessels to which his Majesty's licence has been granted, or which have been directed to be released from the embargo, and have not since arrived at any foreign port), so that as well his Majesty's fleets and ships, as also all other ships and vessels that shall be commission. ated by letters of marque or general reprisals, or otherwise, by his Majesty's Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain, shall and may lawfully seize all ships, vessels, and goods, belonging to the Emperor of all the Russias, or his subjects, or others inhabiting within the territories, of the Emperor of all the Russias, and bring the same to judgment in any of the Courts of Admiralty within his Majesty's dominions, &c. &c. &c.

JAMAICA.-Resolutions, passed unanimously by the House of Assembly, on the 29th of Oct. 1807, relative to the distressed state of the Colony, and especially to the Abolition Act, passed by the last Parliament.

RESOLVED, That the Act of the Imperial Parliament for abolishing the Slave Trade is pregnant with evils to this island, militating not only against its general welfare and interest, but threatening its total destruction as a British West India Colony.-That depriving this extensive and yet unsettled island of the means of a supply of labourers from Africa, to cultivate the soil, must be eventally ruinous to the proprietors and others interested in it; many industrious and enterprising settlers, who have braved the difficulties and hardships, always attendant on infant establishments in the interior and mountainous situations, will, with their fa milies, be reduced to poverty and wretchedness; and, when these settlements are aban. doned by their present inhabitants, they will again become the haunts and fastnesses of disaffected and rebellious negroes. That properties in possession of mortgagees, receivers, guardians, and others, must shortly fall a sacrifice to this parliamentary regula tion; because, from their peculiar circumstances, they cannot be supplied with labourers, the result of which will be, to deprive a numerous description of persons, from the earliest state of infancy, to the most advanced and belpless ages, of the common means of education and support.-The

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