farmer a stable opportunity for borrowing money on the lowest possible interest basis. 3rd. To assist such an effort and to show the state's co-operation with same, there should be an intelligent reconstruction of present homestead registration and other land laws. 4th. The one actual pre-requisite to the successful operation of a land mortgage system is a repeal of the tax on mortgages. It may be said that in no country of Europe does such a tax exist, and there can be no cheap money for the farmer as long as such tax is levied by the state. Labor and The Church Catholic bishops and priests, especially the Apostles of the Militia of Christ, were given summary notice in the declaration presented by the resolutions committee and adopted by the convention of the American Federation of Labor to keep its hands off the American labor movement, say press reports, "when the resolution from the International Longshoremen's Union urging an investigation of the so-called Christian and Catholic trade unions of Europe came up." This resolution came before the convention jointly with one introduced by Emil Arnold, of the Chicago Painters' Union, pointing out that the socalled Catholic unions of Europe were nothing but strike-breaking organizations in the hands of the employers. In his fraternal address to the convention, Bishop Carroll, Catholic diocese of Helena, Mont., had practically declared that the A. F. of L. would be given the choice either of driving Socialism from its midst or of facing the organization of dual Catholic unions. "Your committee is firmly convinced," the reports quote, "that nothing would be more injurious to the welfare of our movement than the injection of questions relative to religion. The American trade union movement from its inception has excluded all questions of a sectarian nature from its conventions, and this rigidly applied policy has made it possible A Horrible Menace According to The New York World. if the cause of women suffrage should triumph in the end, there is grave danger that men will be driven from drink to murder. "Out of the twenty-four towns in Illinois in which elections were held last November, eighteen went dry," says this paper. "One county joined the ranks of the totally dry, so that there are now thirty-one dry counties out of the 102 into which the state is divided. The success of the prohibitionists is attributed to the votes of women, and the leaders of the movement are sanguine that when the local option elections take place next spring in about three hundred cities and towns, most of them will close up the saloons. "To people who have sanguine hopes of good to result from the dry policy there is a sad lesson to be studied in the statistics of homicide compiled by Frederick Hoffman in the current issue of The Spectator. The record shows that in the south. where prohibition has had such widespread success, the homicide rate in proportion to population is far in excess of the other parts of the courtry, where a sane regulation of liquor traffic prevails. Memphis, Tenn., has the highest homicide record among the cities of the union, yet it stands in a wide territory in most of which there is total prohibition. The story is the same everywhere. When the lawful saloon is closed, the illicit sale of vile liquors and dangerous drugs increases. Society loses more than it gains by the change." The American Employer A MAGAZINE DEVOTED TO THE INTERESTS OF THE BUSINESS On the 9th of December the Select Committee appointed to make inquiry into the charges that appeared last summer in The New York World and The Chicago Tribune "as to the existence and activity of a lobby, organized by and on behalf of an organization known as the National Association of Manufacturers for the purpose of improperly influencing legislation by Congress, the official conduct of certain members and employes, the selection and appointment of certain committees of the House, and for other purposes designed to affect the integrity of the proceedings of the House of Representatives," submitted its report This quotation is from the preamble to the resolution under which the Select Committee acted. The resolution itself enlarged the scope of the inquiry to include the activities of other associations, corporations or persons accused of improper practices in that respect, and their agents. Among the other organizations dealt with are the National Council for Industrial Defense, the National Tariff Commission Association and the American Federation of Labor. Elsewhere in this number of our magazine we print from the statement made to the Committee by Mr. James A. Emery, General Counsel of the National Council for Industrial Defense, his summingup of the evidence respecting the purposes for which that institution and the National Association of Manufacturers were organized, their membership and income and the character of the work in which they have been engaged. Between this and the findings of the Committee there appears to be no great difference. As to the purposes and work of the National Association of Manufacturers, the Committee, after quoting from its charter the part quoted by Mr. Emery in his statement, says: "J. P. Bird, General Manager of the N. A. M., states these activities in part as follows: 'We publish two export magazines, we publish a domestic magazine, both known as American Industries. We conduct a large foreign department in which are several sub-departments, a legal department wherein we advise our members on questions of corporation law and state law, a foreign collection department and a domestic collection department.' Mr. Bird does not, however, cover in this statement all the efforts and ambitions of this association. The correspondence between officials and employes of the association laid before your Committee and placed in evidence shows it to have been an organization having purposes and aspirations along industrial, commercial, political, educational, legislative and other lines." From which it seems clear that whatever the officers of that association may have done in connection with attempts to influence legislation was merely incidental to their principal work in furtherance of the objects outlined in its charter. With reference to the National Council for Industrial Defense, however, the Committee says that "the purposes of this Council are stated in resolutions adopted August 19, 1907, as follows: 'Said Council shall have power (1) to establish and maintain a legislative bureau, (2) to establish and maintain a legal bureau, (3) to establish and maintain a bureau of publicity and education." This institution, it finds, was not like the Manufacturers Association, composed of persons and corporations and intended for the general business welfare of its members, but was made up of about two hundred and fifty other associations, and created to make possible "the centralization for particular work, especially political and legislative effort, in which a number of organizations and associations, the N. A. M. distinctly, were interested." As to the National Tariff Commission Association, its purpose, the Committee says, "seems to have been to work for the establishment of a non-partisan, semi-judicial tariff commission, permanent in character." But surely there is nothing reprehensible in all this. Mr. Emery, in the statement already referred to, made frank disclosure of the reasons that induced the National Association of Manufacturers to enter the legislative field and which led to the organization of the National Council for Industrial Defense, and those reasons must commend themselves to any fair-mindel person as perfectly proper ones. Measures of vital importance to American industries were being advocated by labor leaders and socialists-measures that were regarded by the members of these associations, and by economists, publicists and business men generally, as involving principles utterly subversive of existing institutions and legal procedure, and as to which the aver age Congressman was no more capable than their advocates of appreciating the danger unless warned. The association was simply compelled to act, in self defense. The American Federation of Labor, an organization with which were affiliated thousands of international, national, state and local trade unions, with a combined and steadily increasing membership of more than a million and a half (now more than two millions), had its headquarters in the city of Washington, and its officers were engaged in lobbying. Through their efforts many bills had already been passed. That this is so, conclusively appears from the evidence. The President of the organization, Mr. Samuel Gompers, freely admitted on the witness stand (see the abstract of his testimony before the Committee published in the December, 1913, number of The American Federationist) that "at every oppor tunity, and we often created the opportunity, we endeavored to have legis lators, both national and state, introduce measures which we helped frame or approved or helped in any way we could for their enactment. * * * I appeared before committees in advocacy of legislation which we sought. The Secretary of the American Federation of Labor has often appeared. the Vice Presidents of the Federation lives in Washington. Sometimes the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor holds its sessions in Washington and it has occurred on two or three occasions that the Executive Council has taken a recess for the purpose of appearing before committees or conferring with the President or with cabinet officers in regard to questions affecting the workers of the country. *** I appeared before the respective party committees of the Republican and Democratic parties. *** Members of the House of Representatives who are members in good standing in trade unions or labor unions have held meetings with representatives of the American Federation of Labor, but not for more than a year and a half or two years. Those meetings were held at the headquarters of the American Federation of Labor and at the Arlington hotel, at a luncheon. * ** We have had Mr. Arthur Holder, Mr. John A. Moffitt and Mr. Grant Hamilton. serving practically continuously for the entire year as legislative committeemen. We formerly paid them a salary of $3.00 a day, then $3.50 a day, and now, with the increased cost of living, we have given them $5.00 a day. We thought they were earning that." Mr. Gompers also testified to specific instances of efforts made by representatives of the Federation to procure the passage of certain bills, also as to influence exerted at various times in connection with the appointment of certain members of the House of Representatives to the position of Chairman of the Committee on Labor, and as to the activities of the Federation in Congressional electoral campaigns. He admitted that during Mr. Cannon's term as Speaker of the House, "we did make an effort to change the make-up of that Committee" (the Committee on Labor); that "when the change in the political complexion of the House of Representatives was brought about" (in the next Congress), "the Legislative Committee of the American Federation of Labor was requested to have an interview with either the chairman or some member of the Committee on Committees of the House for the purpose of suggesting the name of Representative William B. Wilson" (now Secretary of Labor in the President's cabinet) "as Chairman of the Committee on Labor. The Committee recommended and the House elected Mr. Wilson as chairman of that committee. *** We favored Mr. Lewis as Chairman of the Labor Committee. * * * Every person whom our organization has endorsed for the chairmanship of the Committee on Labor has been appointed." Respecting the political activities of the Federation, Mr. Gompers testified: "So far as my memory serves, in 1908 we participated in the election or defeat of Representatives for Congress in Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Massachusetts, California, Colorado, Pennsylvania and Maryland. I cannot think of all the states. We participated by public meetings, addresses and mass-meetings. We had a number of volunteers in addition to those whose expenses we were required to meet. *** We participated more generally in the campaign of 1908 than in that of 1906 -which was our first venture into the political arena in a systematic effort, so far as Congressional candidates were concerned." When asked whether he had not made certain threats in this connection, he said: "It is a fact that in the bill of grievances" (a paper drafted by a labor conference in 1906 appealing to the party in power to cause to be enacted certain measures the Federation was advocating) "we did say to the President of the United States and to the President pro tempore of the Senate and to the Speaker of the House of Representatives: 'Labor now appeals to you and we trust that it may not be in vain; but, if perchance you may not heed us, we shall appeal to the consciences and support of our fellow citizens.' Now, that was, if you please, a threat, if you so construe it; and, as I am corrected by Mr. Emery, Mr. Drew made the statement-I did not think he ever heard me more than once or twice before any committee-yet he said: 'I never heard Mr. Gompers make a speech to any member or a committee unless he accompanied it with a threat.' * * *If at any time I made a threat, what was it? threat that I had a right to make, the threat that unless I can persuade you, as a member of Congress, to enact into law the legislation which I think is just (note the personal pronoun!) I shall appeal to my fellow citizens to clect some one else in your stead who conforms his course, his thoughts and his actions more nearly in accord with what I believe to be right." The With a measure pending that was intended to exempt labor unions from the provisions of the anti-trust law and legitimize conspiracies on their part in restraint of trade and manufacturing operations, another proposing to take away the power of the courts to issue injunctions protective of employers' property rights, another depriving them of several of the most important of their common law defenses in suits for damages brought by employers, another depriving them of the right to contract with employes for more than eight hours per day when engaged on government work, and many others of greater or lesser concern, and since such practices as were testified to by Mr. Gompers were permitted and were apparently in violation of no law or Congressional rule, there would seem to have been very good reason for the creation of such an organization as the National Council for Industrial Defense, and for the employment of an attorney and so-called lobbyist and the maintenance of headquarters in Washington. Indeed, the committee itself does not even It says: adversely criticize this resort. "The resolution does not define for us the word 'lobby', and distinguished and eminent authorities entertain wide differences of opinion as to its correct definition. The word at one period carried with it a certain idea of acts sinister and corrupt and the first impression now made upon the mind of the average man when this word is used in connection with legislative bodies is probably in line with this conception. That it was not so intended to be understood in this resolution, however, appears to be certain, because the second part of paragraph 4 requires the Committee to ascertain and report to what extent and in what manner, if at all, legislation has been improperly affected or prevented by reason of the existence of such lobby,' etc. * * * Your Committee is of the opinion that any individual, or association of individuals, interested in legislation pending in Congress has the unquestionable right to appear in person, or through agents or attorneys, before committees and present his or its views upon, and arguments in behalf of or against, such legislation; that it is the right of the individual and the mass to appeal to the legislator personally, verbally if he sees proper to grant an interview, or in writing if he sees proper to read it, and by education and argument seek to convince his judgment and his conscience. This, we think, is the true spirit of the right of petition guaranteed by the constitution to the citizens of the Republic. To place the Congressman in a cloister to legislate, rendering him immune to extraneous influences would be impossible, and, if possible, would be exceedingly ridiculous." As to Mulhall, whose stories in the New York World and Chicago Tribune led to the investigation, the Committee finds that he was employed in 1903 by Mr. Marshall Cushing, the then Secretary of the National Association of Manufacturers (though it was only during the three years from 1907 to 1911 that he was employed by the Association itself, or that the other officers of the Association even knew of his employment, testified Mr. Emery), as Field Agent and used by that organization and the National Council for Industrial Defense, in so far as his duties in Washington and about the Capitol were concerned, "largely and primarily for personal lobbying. They believed him to be a man of extended acquaintance among Representatives, Senators and other public men and believed that this acquaintance could be capitalized and utilized in influencing individual members in their official acts and so affect the general course of legislation. * * ** It clearly appears that among other things he did, or was expected to do, in his capacity as Field Agent-and this is to be distinguished from his activity in the city of Washington-was political work in different states and congressional districts. * * ** One of his duties seems to have been that of procuring bills, reports, etc., but the most of this work was, during much of the time at least, performed by I. H. McMichaels, who was employed by Mulhall for that purpose with Mr. Emery's consent, Mr. Emery paying him at least in part. "Following his retirement" (from the employ of the National Association of Manufacturers), says the Committee, "he offered in the latter part of 1911 to "turn over his letters and correspondence to the American Federation of Labor and also sought to bring them to the attention of Congress through the then chairman of the Committee on Labor, Mr. William B. Wilson. These offers were not accepted, and in 1913 he endeavored to bring the matter to the attention of William Randolph Hearst, owner and publisher of various newspapers and magazines. It does not appear that he sought any compensation in connection with these offers. After these negotiations had failed, the correspondence was finally brought to the attention of the New York World, and arrangements were made whereby, for the sum of $10,000, the correspondence was turned over to that journal, and the personal narrative which appeared in the World and the Chicago Tribune on June 29, 1913, was written. Since the appearance of this article and its companion piece, the summary prepared by Mr. |