borrowed name, and furnished with British regimentals, is employing himself in abusing, with the most infamous language of drunken intoxication, the same government Mr. Erskine is commissioned to treat with. Can Rufus King, or any man of

mischief, explain this?

Nov. 19, 1806.

VOL. II.

19

COMMON SENSE.

ON THE EMISSARY CULLEN.

It appears by a paragraph in the Public Advertiser, hat Cullen, alias Carpenter, or whatever his name is, if he has any name, has commenced a prosecution against the pri ter or publisher of the Public Advertiser, but the prosecution does not say what it is for. Some advantages will arise from this, and some amusement also. He will now have to identify himself, and prove who he is, and upon what recommendation he came to America, and get some persons of respectability, if he can, to attest for him. We have not established liberty as an asylum for impostors. Mr. Duane, of Philadelphia, knew him in India and in England, and he can prove that he did not then go by the name he now goes by, and the man that changes his name is an impostor. The law can know nothing of such persons, but for the purpose of punishing them.

Thomas Paine will also know where to find him when the prosecution comes on, for he concealed himself from all the inquiries Mr. Paine made to find him or his place of residence. The case is, that Cullen's paper had falsified a publication written by Mr. Paine, and published in the Citizen, on the danger to which a neutral nation exposed itself by harbouring an emissary, or a suspected emissary, of one belligerent nation against another belligerent nation. This publication was falsified in Cullen's paper, insidiously entitled "The People's Friend." Mr. Paine copied off the falsifications, and desired a friend of his, a merchant in John-street, to call on Cullen, and read the falsifications to him, and demand who was the writer of them. The gentleman called at the printing office, but Cullen, alias Carpenter, was not there. The gentleman left word that he would call the next day, and that he had something to communicate to Mr. Car

penter. He called accordingly, but Carpenter was not there. He then asked the persons in the office where Mr. Carpenter lodged; they said they did not know, but they believed it was a good way off. The gentleman then left word for the third time, that he would call the next day, which he did, but Carpenter was not to be found, nor could any account be given of him. Mr. Paine will now know where to find him.

This man with two or three names has laid his damages at three thousand dollars. One way to get rich is first to be a rascal, and then prosecute for exposing the rascality. But why did he not lay the damages at an hundred thousand dollars. There is a precedent for this

April 8, 1807

OF THE AFFAIRS OF ENGLAND.

THE English nation and government exhibit at this time a curious spectacle to the world. Their king and the cabinet are quarrelling, and their partisans in this country, the Fed and Tory faction, know not which side to take.

Their military affairs also are in as bad condition as their domestic. They began this war themselves, and they cannot now see their way out of it. Buonaparte has turned all their projects against them. Grenville, in his speech on the dispute between the king and the cabinet, (see the Public Advertiser of Monday, May 25,) speaks of the wretched condition of the coalition against France on the continent. He then looks forward with apprehension to two circumstances he thinks probable. The one, peace on the continent; the other, the continuance of the war with England; two circumstances, he says,

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particularly dangerous to this country." The war on the continent was set on foot by the English government, to ward off the descent upon England; and as all the partisans England had on the continent have been defeated, it is probable they would make peace if they could. This is what Grenville is afraid of.

The murderous battle of Prussian Eylau, the last we have news of, between the French and the Russians, in which the Feds and Tories say the French were defeated, took place on the 8th February. Grenville's speech in the English parlia ment is dated March 23, six weeks and one day after the bat tle, and he speaks in that speech of "the total destruction of the power of Prussia, and the establishment of the power of France," but he says not a syllable about any advantages gained by the Russians, so the poor Feds and Tories must invent some new lie.

Supposing peace to take place on the continent, and the war with England to continue, Grenville then alludes to an invasion of England by France. "In case of an invasion, (says he,) it might be necessary to shift troops from one part of the empire to another." We see by this that he puts no dependence on the English navy to prevent it. That navy costs 68,000,000 dollars annually, and it is not considered a match for the French gun-boats in making a descent; yet our Federal wise-acres are crying out for an American navy. But as they do this to amuse and impose upon the public, they take care to keep the expense of a navy out of sight. The present annual revenue of the United States is about 12,000,000 dollars. The much greater part of which is appropriated to the discharge of the national debt incurred by the revolutionary war, and the additional debts incurred by the improvident administration of Washington and Adams. The remainder is for the current expenses of the year, out of which the economy of the present administration has saved a few hundred thousand dollars. But were we to go into the ridiculous project of a navy, it would require new taxes to the amount of 50,000,000 dollars. This the Feds keep out of sight. But to return to the affairs of England.

In 1714, the English nation, for the principles of government were not understood at that time, sent to Hanover for a man and his family, George the First, to come and govern them. The poor man knew nothing about England, he had never been there, knew nothing of its laws, and could not speak a word of English, and when he got in a passion, which he often did, he used to kick his hat about the room.

His son, George the Second, was the same sort of man as to dulness of capacity as his father, but was not so peaceable, for the wars of George the First were carried on against his hat, but as George the Second thought he knew something of military wars, he was often engaged in continental wars, in which England as a nation and an island ought to have had nothing to do; and the present incumbent, George the Third, and last, has hardly ever been at peace; but he is sly enough to stay at home and set other nations together by the ears, and the