The British blockading decree, that of seizing neutral vessels going to or from France, was to have been published on the 14th of November, but the news from London of the 14th, by the Jane, is silent on the subject. The apprehension of retaliation has, most probably, stopped the British ministry in their career.

Jan. 7, 1808.

TO THE FEDERAL FACTION.

You are going the right way to ruin the country—and you are such blind politicians, you have not discernment enough to see it. The United States have flourished, unrivalled in commerce, fifteen or sixteen years. But it is not a permanent state of things. It arose from the circumstances of the war, and most probably will change at the close of the present war. The Federalists give provocation enough to promote it.

The great probability is, that when the present war ends, Buonaparte will establish a navigation act for France and the countries of Europe, and not permit any foreign articles to be brought to those countries, but such as are produced in the country to which the vessel belongs that brings them. This is the plan the English navigation act goes upon. Before that act was passed, the Dutch used to be the carriers for the English nation; but this act put a stop to it. Buonaparte says he wants ships, commerce, and colonies. By following this plan, he will get them, and also sailors to man them, and the Dutch will become the principal carriers of the European countries.

As this will most probably be the case, can any thing be more unwise and foolish, than the conduct of the Federal faction, who are continually abusing and blackguarding France and Buonaparte, and putting them in a fit disposition to cut short American commerce? There is nobody that has gone further in this style of abuse and ignorance than the impostor Cheetham; but he has run his length, and is now posted in every meeting in the city, as a professed British hireling would be. Thomas Paine wrote to Jn F- -s, from New Rochelle, three or four years ago, desiring him to show that letter to De Witt Clinton, in which Mr. Paine gave his opinion of Cheetham, that "in religion he was a hypocrite, and in politics a John

Bull;" that is, an ignorant, conceited, headstrong Englishman, but Jn F—s, who is not a strong-minded man, wrote Mr. Paine an apology for not doing it. He has since expressed his regret that he did not.

The ward meetings have done exceedingly right in posting Cheetham. The people in the country and abroad will now know that he does not belong to the popular Republican party, and that he is an English impostor.

I cannot pay the same compliments to the general administration, nor to the government of the state of New-York. They still continue Cheetham their printer. This gives an appearance that they encourage him in his abuse of France and the French government. Our professed maxim is, "to live in peace with all nations;" but this is an indecent violation of that principle.

August 25, 1808.

T- PE.

MEMORIAL TO CONGRESS.

TO THE HONOURABLE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

New-York, January 21, 1808.

THE purport of this address is to state a claim I feel myself entitled to make on the United States, leaving it to their representatives in Congress to decide on its worth and its merits. The case is as follows:

Towards the latter end of the year 1780, the continental money had become so depreciated, a paper dollar not being more than a cent, that it seemed next to impossible to continue the war.

As the United States were then in alliance with France, it became necessary to make France acquainted with our real situation. I therefore drew up a letter to Count Vergennes, stating undisguisedly the true case, concluding with the request whether France could not either as a subsidy or a loan supply the United States with a million sterling, and continue that supply annually during the war.

I showed the letter to M. Marbois, secretary to the French minister. His remark upon it was, that a million sent out of the nation exhausted it more than ten millions spent in it. I then showed it to Ralph Isard, member of Congress for South Carolina. He borrowed the letter of me, and said, we will endeavour to do something about it in Congress.

Accordingly, Congress appointed Colonel John Laurens, then aid to General Washington, to go to France and make representation of our situation for the purpose of obtaining assistance. Colonel Laurens wished to decline the mission, and that Congress would appoint Colonel Hamilton, which Congress did not choose to do.

Colonel Laurens then came to state the case to me. He

said he was enough acquainted with the military difficulties of the army, but that he was not enough acquainted with political affairs, nor with the resources of the country; but, said he, if you will go with me, I will accept, which I agreed to do, and did do.

We sailed from Boston in the Alliance frigate, Captain Barry, the beginning of Februarv. 1781, and arrived at L'Orient the beginning of March. The aid obtained from France was six million livres as a present, and ten millions as a loan borrowed in Holland on the security of France. We sailed from Brest in the French Resolve frigate the 1st of June, and arrived at Boston the 25th of August, bringing with us two millions and a half in silver, and convoying a ship and a brig laden with clothing and military stores. The money was transported in sixteen ox-teams to the national bank at Philadelphia, which enabled the army to move to York Town to attack, in conjunction with the French army under Rochambeau, the British army under Cornwallis. As I never had a cent for this service, I feel myself entitled, as the country is now in a state of prosperity, to state the case to Congress.

As to my political works, beginning with the pamphlet Common Sense, published the beginning of January, 1776, which awakened America to a declaration of independence, as the president and vice-president both know, as they were works done from principle, I cannot dishonour that principle by asking any reward for them. The country has been benefited by them, and I make myself happy in the knowledge of it. It is, however, proper to me to add, that the mere independence of America, were it to have been followed by a system of government modelled after the corrupt system of the English government, it would not have interested me with the unabated ardour it did. It was to bring forward and establish the representative system of government, as the work itself will show, that was the leading principle with me in writing that work, and all my other works, during the progress of the revolution: And I followed the same principle in writing the Rights of Man in England.

There is a resolve of the old Congress, while they sat at New-York, of a grant to me of three thousand dollars-the re