perceived the general immediately between our line and that of the enemy, both lines levelling for the decisive fire that was to decide the fortune of the day. Instantly there was a roar of musketry, followed by a shout. It was the shout of victory. On raising my eyes, I discovered the enemy broken and flying, while, dimly, amid the glimpses of the smoke, was seen Washington alive and unharmed, waving his hat, and cheering his comrades to the pursuit. I dashed my rowels into my charger's flanks, and flew to his side, exclaiming, "Thank God! your excellency is safe." I wept like a child, for joy.'

In the eulogy which he bestowed on Fitzgerald, Mr. Custis has not forgotten Moylan, Stewart, Proctor, and other Pennsylvania Irishmen. Of them, we may repeat what Teeling says so well in his Narrative of 1798: "They may sleep in the silent tomb, but the remembrance of their virtues will be cherished while liberty is dear to the American heart."

We have to leave, for a time, the officers of the army, to look after the condition of its commissariat. In 1777, dreadful distress was suffered at Valley Forge, and the following year did not alleviate the condition of the army. In 1779, the Connecticut militia mutinied, and were only quelled by calling out "the Pennsylvania Line,' and arraying it against them. In 1780, even these latter began to murmur, half fed, unpaid, and ill-clothed, that they were. Wayne himself, their idol when in action, was unable to control them; and, had it not been for an extraordinary effort of patriotism on the part of the merchants of Philadelphia, the army would have utterly fallen to pieces. On the 17th June, 1780, ninety-three Philadelphia merchants signed the following paper:

"Whereas, in the present situation of public affairs in the United States, the greatest and most vigorous exertions are required for the successful management of the just and necessary war in which they are engaged with Great Britain: We, the subscribers, deeply impressed with the sentiments that on such an occasion should gov

ern us in the prosecution of a war, on the event of which our own freedom, and that of our posterity, and the freedom and independence of the United States, are all involved, hereby severally pledge our property and credit for the several sums specified and mentioned after our names, in order to support the credit of a bank to be established for furnishing a supply of provisions for the armies of the United States: And do hereby severally promise and engage to execute to the directors of the said bank, bonds of the form hereunto annexed.

"Witness our hands this 17th day of June, in the year of our Lord 1780."*

Twenty of these, of Irish origin, subscribed nearly half a million of dollars, in the following proportion :

This bank continued to exist during the war, and then gave way to the Bank of North America. By this timely expedient the war was enabled to go forward, and Washington found himself free to execute his final plans.

The theatre of the war was now transferred to Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia. Beaten at all points in the North, the British attempted the South, under Cornwallis. Gates, the victor at Saratoga, was defeated, in turn, at Camden, and superseded by Greene. Wayne, despatched to the same scene of operations, captured Yorktown, and shut up the British in Savannah. In

American Remembrancer, vol. x., p. 229; 6 Haz. Reg. of Pennsylva nia, p. 28,-2 do. 259, 261; Hood's Sketch of "The Friendly Sons of St. Patrick," p. 43.

July, he had the pleasure to beat them out, and, in December following, he took possession of Charleston as they gave it up. Throughout his southern campaign, (the last of the war,) he was accompanied by "the remnant of Moylan's Dragoons.' Before the evacuation of Savannah, Cornwallis had got cooped up in Yorktown, cut off by Washington on the land side, and the French fleet by sea. On the 19th of October, 1781, he surrendered himself and 7000 men as prisoners of war; and the following spring proposals were made for peace by Great Britain, which agreed to acknowledge the independence of the United States of North America."

The surrender of Cornwallis was the signal for peace. England, baffled by the heroism and perseverance of America, relinquished all her claims to sovereignty over the revolted colonies, and prepared to sign her abdication with the best grace she could assume. In 1782, the Peace of Paris was completed, and at the opening of the next year it was proclaimed. Thus, after a war of seven years, the liberties of America were won, and the field prepared for the plantation of those democratic institutions whose influence already penetrates the world. The soldiers returned to their homes, and the labors of the statesmen commenced where those of the army ended.

*See Appendix No. IV.

CHAPTER IX.

IRISHMEN IN CIVIL SERVICE DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY ERA POLICY OF THE FIRST CONGRESS TOWARDS IRELAND CHARLES THOMPSON, OF MAGHERA, SECRETARY TO CONGRESS THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE-EIGHT IRISH SIGNERS THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION ADOPTED -SIX IRISH AUTHORS OF THAT INSTRUMENT EARLY IRISH GOVERNORS.

THE important civil services rendered to the American people abroad, by Edmund Burke, Colonel Barre, Richard Brinsley Sheridan, and the then young Henry Grattan, in demonstrating the justice of the colonial cause, and vindicating the character of the early Congress, are but a portion of the part borne by the Irish race in the politics of the Revolution.

So well aware was the first Congress of the importance of separating the sympathies of our nation from George the Third, that one of the first acts of the Congress of 1775 was the adoption of an address to the Irish people, in which they drew a marked distinction between the Irish and English Parliaments. "Your Parliament has done us no wrong," said they. "In defence of our persons and properties, under actual invasion, we have taken up arms. When that violence shall be removed, and hostilities cease on the part of the aggressors, they shall cease on our part also." They conclude by hoping that the extremes to which the colonies have been driven may have the effect of deterring the king's ministers from a continuance of a similar policy in Ireland.

This wise distinction between England and Ireland was first made by Franklin, who, in 1771, made a tour of Ireland, and was the guest of Dr. Lucas, at Dublin. In a letter to Thomas Cushing, of Boston, dated London, January, 1772, he gives the following key to his diplomacy in Dublin:

"Before leaving Ireland, I must mention that, being desirous of seeing the principal patriots there, I stayed

till the opening of their Parliament. I found them disposed to be friends of America, in which I endeavored to confirm them, with the expectation that our growing weight might in time be thrown into their scale, and, by joining our interest with theirs, a more equitable treatment from this nation might be obtained for them as well as for us. There are many brave spirits among them. The gentry are a very sensible, polite, and friendly people. Their Parliament makes a most respectable figure, with a number of very good speakers in both parties, and able men of business. And I must not omit acquainting you that, it being a standing rule to admit members of the English Parliament to sit (though they do not vote) in the House among the members, while others are only admitted into the gallery, my fellow-traveller, being_an English member, was accordingly admitted as such. But I supposed I must go to the gallery, when the Speaker stood up and acquainted the House that he understood there was in town an American gentleman of (as he was pleased to say) distinguished character and merit, a member or delegate of some of the parliaments of that country, who was desirous of being present at the debates of the House; that there was a rule of the House for admitting members of English Parliaments, and that he supposed the House would consider the American Assemblies as English Parliaments; but, as this was the first instance, he had chosen not to give any order in it without receiving their directions. On the question, the House gave a loud, unanimous aye, when two members came to me without the bar

After the declaration of war, in 1775, Franklin, then at Paris, issued a letter to "the People of Ireland,” embodying in more striking terms these private views formed in 1771, and ably enforcing the policy of their refusing to join in the war against the colonies.

One effect followed from the publication of these addresses, - an effect still operating, and likley to con

* The remainder of the letter is lost,-vide Franklin's Correspondence, vol. i.