facts speak plainly. There is nothing specu-pography, are generally well adapted to the lative in them. They are, and have been to growing of wool-and it is believed that no us, most actively practical. Our manufac- portion of them is more eligible for this purtures have been severely stunned by their op- pose than parts of Kentucky; portions of which eration, and must sink under the blow, un- might, by raising sheep, be made productive, less our government interpose, and resist the which are now in wilderness and waste. If assaults of the British Parliament, by secur- we could get only 40 cents a pound for wool, ing all the protection promised by the law of our agricultural capital would be rendered 1824, which Parliament has reduced, and in more productive than it otherwise can be, by effect more than repealed. Shall we submit a transfer of a portion of it to the raising of to England, as her colonies, or shall we en- sheep. Wool, which readily brought $275 force our own legislation, and protect from for- during and shortly after the war, will not now eign aggression our own capital and our own command more than 50 cents. Such as sold industry; and from ruin, our own citizens? for 95 cents and 18 cents in 1826, before the imShall we adhere to the law of 1824-or shall pulse given by the Tariff of 1824 was checked we suffer it to be mocked and trifled with by by the selfish policy of England, is now dull England? at 50 cents and 12 cents. And for want of There can be no doubt that we can supply demand, the business of raising sheep is rapthe wool for all the cloth necessary for our idly declining. Without some stimulus to the own use-nor can it be seriously questioned domestic manufacture of wollens, there will that we can, with the advantage of security not be a demand sufficient for the wool now from government, in a short time, make as grown in the United States-so that even a good cloths as any ever imported-and afford prohibitory duty on foreign wool would not to sell them at home, much cheaper than we benefit the owners of sheep in our country, can buy those of foreign countries. The cot-without the creation of a more extensive home tons will prove this, without the trouble of an market. The rejection of the Woolen's bill last analysis of the facts which, to the merely spec-winter sunk wool more than 25 per cent. This ulative mind, would make se obvious a result fact is well authenticated. manifest. The parallelism of the wollens and cottons is obvious, and may be made com plete.

ment, they would purchase (also from the agriculturalists) wool of the value of about $1,000,000-83 per cent. of our population are agriculturalists, and the market even now furnished to them by our own manufacturers for provisions and raw materials, is ten times as great as that of the world besides.

During the last year, there were about 60,000 persons, large and small, employed in woolfen manufactories in the United States. The consumer cannot buy in Kentucky a The provisions (to be bought from the agricul yard of London cloth, which cost $6 at the turalists) necessary to subsist these laborers, manufactory, for less than $12. This dupli- would cost at least $2,500,000-which is about cation of price is produced by the profits of in- 40 per cent. of the total value of the agricultermediate venders; by insurance, transporta-tural productions exported from the United tion, impost, &c. And thus a Kentuckian States; and if stimulated by a domestic marmust pay $12 per yard for the honor of wear-ket for their fabrics, so as to have full employ. ing a British coat; for it is confidently believed that, with adequate protection, American manufacturers could be able in a very short time, to sell cloth of the same quality as cheap at their own doors, as those of England can in the mart of London or York. And if, instead of buying at half price, we should give even more for an American than an Eng- The woollens imported from England annufish coat, would it not in the end be a saving, ally, may be estimated at $10,000,000; and not only to the purchaser, but to our country? from the grain growing and grazing popula Would it not be better to buy from our own tion of the United States, England will not neighbors, who will buy from us, than of Eng-buy of their horses, cattle and breadstuffs, to land who will not purchase our hemp, or whisky, or flour, or corn? Would it not be wiser, to provide a market for those articles at home, than to have none at all? And would it not be more profitable and patriotic to keep our money at home, than to send it abroad to "that bourne, whence no traveler returns?"

the value of one cent! The balance of trade with England is against the U. States at least $10,000,000, the whole value of the woollen importations. Whilst the United States enjoyed the carrying trade, their commerce flourished. That great source of prosperity is now closed against us. During the continental wars, the population of Europe, absorbed in the concerns of armies and battles, necessarily neglected, in a considerable degree, the employments of peaceful life and productive laborhence their agriculture declined, and they looked to us for a sufficient supply of such vegetable articles of consumption as they had not the leisure or the means to produce. Our agriculture then flourished, and our farmers were buoyant with hope, and prospered. Since the pacification of Europe, its people The United States, in climate, soil, and to-have resumed the puruits of agriculture, with

The number of sheep in the U. States are estimated at 18,000,000, of the value, at $2 each, of $36,000,000; and of which the fleeces estimated at 2 lbs each, and at the price of 40 cents per pound, would be worth annually $18,000,000. It is supposed that it would require 40,000,000 of sheep, to supply wool to manufacture the wollens necessary for the consumption of the existing population of the United Stares, if no foreign woollens were introduced among us.

renovated vigor and alacrity; the consequence times and countries; and they accord with the of which is, that they supply their wants by opinions of our most illustrious statesmen, livthe cultivation of their own soil, and will not ing or dead. purchase from us. And hence our agriculture It is not expected or desired by the rational has been gradually declining, and our farm- friends of the “American System," that maners are becoming despondent. In 1818 Eng-ufactures should ever predominate over agriland interdicted the importation of our bread-culture. The latter is the basis of our power stuffs and she determined, at any hazard, to and prosperity, and should ever command our enforce her corn laws. She begins to talk supreme regard. But, to give it full effect, about growing tobacco. She invites to her manufactures and commerce must also flourports the cotton of Hayti, free of duty, whilst ish. These are three sisters, whose destinies she enforces a heavy impost burthen on that of are indissolubly intertwined. And commerce the U. States! Indeed, she will not buy cot-and manufactures must be so far encouraged as tou from us whenever she can be conveniently to invigorate and reward the hands of agricul supplied elsewhere.

tural industry. That manufactures have not been thus far promoted, it is believed confidently a fair induction of recent facts will demonstrate.

In the south of Europe-in Germany-in Poland and in Sweden, tobacco is now grown, and may be produced to still greater extent. By these causes and others, which it is un- Prohibition is not contemplated at this time. necessary to enumerate, our vegetable exports The work of advancing “pari passu,” the have decreased in quantity and value, and three leading interests, must be progressive, to our producers and exporters have suffered se- be tolerable or successful. Active, and evenverely, and many even to hopeless bankrupt-tually successful competition in the fabricacy; although we are favored with a better soil tion of some of our own most valuable raw maand form of government, and with inore phys-terials, into such articles as our necessities ical resources than any other nation on the require and our habits render comfortable, is globe We want a home market-and a greater all that it would be prudeat now to attempt. diversification and distribution of labor. If we should feed, why should we not endeav This is the natural, the obvious, and as the or to clothe ourelves? Why should we disreexperience of the world undeniably proves, the gard the invitations, and waste the rich bounonly sure remedy within our control. We ties of Heaven? Why not make a prudent use must learn to depend on ourselves, and shake of the means of wealth and power which are off our colonial habits. We must do as Eng-strewed over our land? Why not develope, land, as Russia, as Germany, have been forced and by the judicious employment of machine by necessity to do; and as France is learning power, and proper distribution of labor and to do-protect our own industry, and secure capital, multiply our resources and increase for its products a certain and steady market. If we cannot, or will not do this, we may, without prophecy, read our destiny in the history of Spain, Portugal and Ireland, who have followed the popular doctrine of anti-tariff politicians, blindly and perseveringly.

their natural productiveness? England, since the age of Edward the III, has augmented and sustained her vast power, by manufactures. Many raw materials, when elaborated by her manufactories, are increased in value ten, some an hundred fold. And by this process, No nation has ever been long prosperous, too, she gives employment to thousands of without manufacturing for itself, articles of ne- men, women, and children, who could not othcessity in peace, and of valuable uses in time erwise cxist on her soil; and thus she makes of war-and all other fabrics of which it might, many good and productive subjects, who by its own labor, supply the chief materials. would, without this great resource, be idlers All history proves this, and it also shows us and vagabonds. Her cotton manufactories the important fact, that manufactures never alone, give employment to more than 500,000 flourish and maintain their ground, without families, averaging at least four persons each, the aid and protection of government. Infant and constituting in the whole upwards of 2,manufactories pass through a probationary or-000,000 of souls. Out of raw cotton, costing deal, which many cannot survive, without be- her only $22,500,000-and of which article ing propped and nourished by the fostering she does not raise a pound; she produces $180,care of a paternal government. They seldom 000,000; whilst the United States, that raise attain vigor and maturity, without assurance two-thirds of what is consumed in Europe, and of safety from the fluctuations of foreign poli-export five-sixths of their crops, receive therecy, and the overwhelming attacks of foreign for only from 20 to $25,000,000. This is only power and capital. And when they survive one, out of many examples. the dangers incident to their infancy-their The extension of our home market, by mulimprovements in skill and in machinery, their tiplying our manufactories, will not only diaugmentation of capital and their rivalry rectly promote agriculture, but indirectly it among themselves, have never failed, and will produce a more extensive effect on "the never will fail, not only to enable them to general welfare." It will cause the improvemaintain themselves, but to reduce their fab- ment of our roads and rivers-the construcrics to the minimum value, which is always tion of canals and railways, which will facililess than the same kind of fabrics, when im-tate our inter-communication, strengthen our ported, can be sold for. These are not specu- sympathies as one people, engaged in one lations. They are the practical lessons of all common cause, and thus tend to cement the

discordant and erratic elements of the Union, such protection, of such an article, object to a into one indissoluble fraternity. For this ob- duty of 30, 40, or even 50 per cent on wool and ject, and to this extent only, we desire to cher-woollens; whereby the latter article, of indisish manufactures. We would not blindly fol-pensable necessity, will, in time, be rendered low the example of England. We are essen- cheaper to them, and improve the market for tially agricultural. And it is our interest their own peculiar and much favored proand should ever be our pride to retain so en- ducts? The duties proposed by the convention viable a pre-eminence. To aid in doing this, will not injure commerce, nor essentially diwas the object of the convention, and they minish the revenue. The coasting trade, and have ventured to suggest humbly, the meas- that in the small articles necessary for our ures which, in their opinion, are best suited to manufactures, which we cannot produce, and accomplish the desirable end. All acknowl- the export of our manufactures, will more than edge that some remedy for the agricultural dis- equal the value, fiscally and commercially, of tress, which is seen, and felt, and heard in all the foreign commerce in the articles to be every neighborhood of the middle and west-protected, even if that protection should ern states, is indispensable. The convention amount to a prohibition. But prohibition is have recommended that which they honestly not intended or expected. The manufactures hope will be most efficacious and least excep- exported, in 1826, exclusive of gold and siltionable. And they would venture their re- ver, amounted to 5,595,130 dollars; exceeding putations on its signal success, if it is permit- the export of tobacco 1,000,000 dollars, and all ied to make a fair experiment. other vegetable and animal exports 800,000 dollars.

It is not local; all parts of the Union, if not equally profited by its immediate effects, will Nor will the measures proposed materially eventually derive a common benefit from affect the foreign market for the cotton of the its success, and none more than the west. south, except so for as it will be improved by And the south will soon feel its beneficent reducing our exports of that article. England operation, not only in the general prosperity, will buy our cotten when she needs it, and but in some peculiar benefits. They will cannot buy a sufficient quantity from the Infind a steady and profitable demand in Amer- dias, Egypt or Hayti, at the same price; for ica, for their cotton, and rice, and indigo, or necessity is a law, even to her. If she can be for greater quantities of them than have yet advantageously supplied elsewhere, she will found so advantageous a market. They will not buy our cotton, whether the proposed tarbe able, very soon, to buy their cotton bagging iff be adopted or not. Greece and her islands from Kentucky cheaper to them than from are more suitably adapted, in soil and climate, Scotland, and better;-American casinetts and to the culture of cotton, than any portion of linseys will be cheaper, and suit their black North America. Whenever peace and securipopulation better than coarse imported cloth. ty shall be established in those delightful reAnd this is the opinion of many of the most gions, the Greeks will grow more, and better, enlightened, patriotic, and liberal men of the and cheaper cotton, than we can or will raise. south. The following is the language of And there is no doubt that the Mediterranean one of them: "There is a perfect coincidence can supply all Europe with raw cotton. Late of opinion between us on the subject of protect- signs are auspicious of the partial emancipaing home manufactures. Bad as the times tion of Greece. Whenever this shall come, are for cotton planters, (of which I am one in England will find the means of supplying her a small way) they would be much worse, but manufactories with cotton, and will not fail to for the demand of our manufactories for the do it. raw article. I should like to see more effectual protection extended to the growth and manufacture of wool. These, and such like measures will, in time, make us independent." The lamented Lowndes entertained the same rational and liberal sentiments.

Will not the south see these things, and consent to prepare for the crisis, by submitting to the only expedient which, in our opinion, can alleviate the distress of the times, and avert the impending danger! Her ancient patriotism, her acknowledged sagacity, her deep The cotton and sugar of the south and south-interest at stake, give assurance that she will west have been protected by a duty of 3 cents forego party pride, and old prejudices, and per pound, now equal to about 50 per cent. seeing her common interest in the common ad valorem. These articles are indispensable cause, will acquiesce cheerfully and co-opeto the poor as well as rich, especially the ar- rate in the common endeavor, to re-establish ticle of sugar. The poor man or sick woman the prosperity, and consolidate the happiness must pay three dollars on a hundred pounds of our common country. Except in gardens, more, in consequence of the protection extend- cotton was not raised in the United States beed to the home manufacture of sugar. And fore 1789; since which time the quantity prothis is indirectly a bounty of 16 dollars to eve- duced has increased to an astonishing degree. ry individual of the entire population of Lou- To show the rate of progressive increase in the isiana. The whole quantity consumed in the production, the two last years only will be seUnited States may be safely estimated at lected. In 1825 the estimated quantity was 120,000,000, of which about 76,000,000 are im- 550,000 bales. In 1826 it was 750,000. 85,ported. The duty on the latter is about $2,000,000 pounds exported in 1819 were nearly 300,000, which is paid by the consumers. as valuable as 125,000,000 pounds in 1820. Should those who monopolize the benefits of And in 1823, 173,000,000 sold for $1,500,000

less than 142,000,000 pounds did in 1824. dle states co-operate through their delegations, These facts shew the fluctuations and uncer- the objects recommended will all be effected. tainty of the foreign demand, and that the de- Some of the members from Pennsylvania, and mand may be now, and often is exceeded by no doubt some of those from Kentucky, voted the supply. What will follow when Greece against the Woollen's bill last winter, because and the Archipelago engage in the produc- it did not embrace some of the other subjects tion of cotton? It is believed that the Amer-noticed by the convention. We should be ican factories will shortly consume 40,000 pleased to see all these interests united in one bales of American cotton, of which 12,000 fate, and triumph together; but if all cannot bales will be manufactured for foreign mar-enlist, in their favor, the support of a majorikets. Even now, large quantities of Ameri-ty-GIVE US A PART. We are deeply incan coarse cotton goods are exported, and sold terested in each branch, although our interest profitably. Stop the American cotton facto- is more direct and immediate in some than in ries, and the price of raw cotton must fall, others. And if we can only sustain one now, nearly, if not quite 20 per cent., and cotton that success will enable us, by its effects, the goods must rise in more than a correspondent sooner and more certainly to gain all the othratio and thus make a double loss to the er objects which they have solicited. But if American people, and a double gain to for- all fail, we have the consolation to believe that eigners." it will not be our fault. We have endeavored To Kentucky, exhausted by incessant to do our duty, and in this endeavor we have drains of her specie to the East, to buy dry been animated by no other motive than an goods, and to the West, and North, and South, honest zeal for the welfare of our state and our to buy land, and cut off from a profitable nation. There are many honest men who do foreign market, the proposed measures of re- not concur with us in opinion on this subject. lief cannot be otherwise than most salutary. If our opponents are in the majority, we shall They will have a tendency to revive our quietly yield and patiently wait for the curdrooping agriculture, and give life and ani-rent of events to operate on the reason of the mation to our villages. They will stimulate, people. But if, as we believe, the convention and enable us to improve our roads and our are engaged in the cause of the people, we only rivers, and draw frrom our earth its abundant ask, from our adversaries, the same temper of resources. On the rocks of the Schuylkill, patient resignation. Our cause is the cause of five years since uninhabited, manufactures our country, and must prevail. We only ask have reared a flourishing village, (Manayunk) for ourselves the charity which we are willing containing upwards of 1500 manufacturers, to manifest for those who oppose us. We moral, industrious, useful and happy people. know that the subject is a delicate one, and Similar results have been effected by similar well calculated to produce diversity of opinmeans, at Lowell, in Massachusetts, and at Weare and Somersworth, and many other places. Such improvements are always the necessary cause or effect of canals or turnpike roads-for cheap, sure and speedy transportation and travel.

ion among speculative men. Theory has been long tried. We invite attention to the practical lessons which are pressed on our attention by our own history.

All except the few who deny the power to protect manufactures by legislation, profess to The foregoing are a few (and only a few) of be in favor of a "judicious tariff." What is the considerations which prompted the recom- judicious at one time may be injudicious at mendation of the Harrisburgh Convention. another. What may suit one country may not We have neither the leisure nor the inclina- be adapted to the circumstances of another. tion to enter into elaborate argument in favor But the time has, in our opinion, arrived, when of this recommendation, nor a minute analysis hemp and flax, and their manufactures— of the facts which would sustain it. By or- Grain-Iron, and Wool and Woollens, deder of the convention, an address to the people mand further protection in the United States; of the United States is in preparation, and will and we have united with others in urging their shortly appear. This will be full, and, we just claims to public consideration. This is hope, satisfactory. We will endeavor to lay what we call, at this time, and in this counit before you as soon as it shall be published. try, a "judicious tariff" and if there is an orWe had hoped that its earlier appearance ganized party, which is determined to oppose would have rendered this hasty and imperfect this domestic system as thus presented, and address unnecessary. But as we have been internal improvement, its handmaid, we trust disappointed in this, we feel it out duty to that this party will learn that this is the submit to you this immethodical statement of "American System," well approved by the some of the statistical facts, which, with oth- American people.

ers, influenced our opinions, and which, we trust, will not be without their effect on yours, when you examine them carefully and make right deductions from them.

The recommendation is liberal and national. We have reason to expect that the Eastern members of Congress will generally favor the whole system, and if the western and mid

Respectfully,

G. ROBERTSON,
JOHN HARVIE,
JAMES COWAN,
R. H. CHINN.

PRELECTION.

On the 18th of November, 1822, Mr. Robertson, then a member of the Kentucky Legislature, after having resigned his seat in Congress, offered to the members of the Assembly, convened in the Representative chamber, at his instance chiefly, resolutions recommending Henry Clay for President of the United States, and urged their adoption by a speech which has not been preserved. They were unanimously adopted, and a committee was appointed to correspond with other states on the subject. His colleagues, of the committee, having imposed on him the duty of preparing an address to the members of the Legislature of Ohio e wrote the following letter, which they all signed, and copies of wnich were sent to the leading members of that body, and were responded to by the vote of Ohio for Mr. Clay. This was the first time he was supported for the Presidency. He was then in the 46th year of his age; and the day of his said nomination was the 32d anniversary of Mr. Robertson's birth.

The letter to Mr. CLAY, which succeeds that to the citizens of Ohio, is now published in this volume, because it contains some evidence of personal knowledge on a subject which malice had made unjustly annoying to Mr. CLAY and his friends: and the address by the people of Garrard follows for a like reason.

The salutatory and valedictory addresses which follow, are deemed worthy of a place in the same volume, as slightly illustrative of the charàcter and fame of Mr. CLAY. The first was delivered on the 9th of June, 1842, on the occasion of a magnificent festive assemblage of more than 10,000 of his fellow-citizens, male and female, on the ground now used as the Fair Ground, near Lexington, convened to meet Mr. CLAY on his return home, after resigning his seat in the Senate. And the last was delivered on the 9th of July, 1852, on the arrival of his dead body in Lexington, and the delivery of it to the committee of reception, by the Senate's committee, who attended it from the National Capitol.

And it was thought best to disregard chronological order, and group all these little addresses together. As connected with the last address, that of the Chairman of the Senatorial Committee, with an extract from the Observer & Reporter of the 14th of June, are also here re-published.