its friends. Because if their system be not well founded, they are only accelerating its destruction. In fact, they are assisting me in the proper disposal of those grains of gunpowder, which have been some time accumulating, and at which they have taken so great an alarm, and which will certainly blow it up at length; and perhaps as suddenly, as unexpectedly, and as completely, as the overthrow of the late arbitrary government of France. If an inhabitant will not submit to a thorough examination, and reasonable repairs, of the building he occupies, the consequence must be that, without gunpowder, or even high wind, it must some time or other fall, and happy may he think himself if he can escape unhurt from the ruins. If this should be the case with the Church of England, the clergy cannot say that they have had no warning. They are labouring for its destruction much more than I am. If I be laying gunpowder, they are providing the match, and their part of the business seems to be in greater forwardness than mine.*

For the reasons above-mentioned, I seriously rejoice at the violent opposition that is now so unexpectedly, and so unreasonably, made by almost the whole body of the clergy, and the high-church party throughout the kingdom, to the repeal of the "Corporation and Test Acts," (Acts singularly disgraceful to this country, especially as pretending to liberality, since no such thing exists any where but in this, and which, I am confident, do no service at all to the Established Church,) and especially in the numerous publications to which the discussion is continually giving rise. By these means the minds of men will in time be enlightened, not only on this, but on other more important subjects connected with it, concerning which Dissenters, as well as their opponents, have hitherto been much in the dark. They will now be in the way of being much better instructed in the sacred rights of men, aud of nations, and especially in the nature of the connexion that has hitherto strangely subsisted between the church and the state, a connexion than which nothing can be more unnatural, the one being a kingdom of this world, and the other not; so that it was necessary for the latter totally to change its nature, and guard itself by civil pains and penalties, in order to become capable of the alliance. These discussions will, I trust, prepare us for far

The parts [sentences] of this Preface printed in Italics, are those that were extracted from it, printed separately, and sent to all the bishops, and all the members of the House of Commons, just before the late debate on the motion for the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts. (P.) See supra, p. 215, Note*.

greater improvements than any that we yet have in contemplation.

Such is the blind zeal which at present actuates a great part of the nation against the Dissenters, that I am verily persuaded that, were any law existing by which they were excluded from the peerage, from seats in the House of Commons, or from voting at elections for members of parliament, they would not be repealed. The measure would be said to be inconsistent with the safety of the church, to which every thing, how valuable soever, must be sacrificed. The "Act of Toleration" would hardly pass now, and still less would the liberty of the press be permitted, if it was not enjoyed. This would certainly be thought to be infinitely dangerous, both to church and state. Indeed, it is a thing at which any thing unsound in church or state has reason to tremble. Now, what we have good reason to think would, not be given, we have some reason to fear may be taken away.

The spirit that has now gone forth may perhaps carry into execution those penal statutes which we had flattered ourselves had been for ever dormant; and yet in this situation we are continually insulted with being told, that we actually enjoy a complete toleration for the profession of our religion; whereas it is evidently nothing more than a very precarious

connivance.

The dreadful penalties of the Test Act have been threatened to be exacted at Nottingham, a place famous for the erection of the standard of Charles I. [1642] at the commencement of what has been called the grand rebellion. By this Act, for the discharge of a civil office, for which their townsmen thought them qualified, the late magistrates of that place might, besides paying the sum of five hundred pounds each, be hereafter disabled from suing or prosecuting in any court of law, being guardians of any child, being executors or administrators of any person, or being capable of any legacy or deed of gift. To this dreadful penalty (a punish

*It has always been my opinion that Dissenters should not accept of any civil offices for which the majority of their countrymen have pronounced them disquali fied, but patiently acquiesce in their exclusion from them till it shall please God, in the course of his providence, and by means of our peaceable representations and remonstrances, to open the eyes and enlarge the minds of our countrymen, and thereby give them more just ideas of the natural rights of men, and the true interest of their country. If the Dissenters would listen to me, they would from this time every where desist from exercising any civil offices, to the discharge of which they were not compelled by law. That this is no new sentiment of mine, is well known to many. The true Christian maxim is, patiently to bear every kind of per

ment proper for only the greatest crimes) is almost every Dissenting Minister now subject, only for collecting the tax that is to be paid at the birth of a child; which, however, they are obliged to do, under the penalty of twenty pounds. It will be said that this was an oversight, and was not intended to affect them. But neither was the Test Act itself originally intended to affect Dissenters.* At present the question is not whether a thing be right or wrong, reasonable or unreasonable: it is sufficient that it will mortify the Dissenters. To this blind rage, both the honour and the best interests of the country must be sacrificed. What a contrast is now exhibited between the two rival nations of France and England, and how may Englishmen blush to look upon it!

The general infatuation on this subject is so great, as to call to our minds similar infatuations which, in the course of Divine Providence, have frequently preceded the greatest and most unexpected revolutions in states. Of this nature was that which affected the zealots, as they were called, among the Jews, who fancied themselves actuated by nothing but the purest zeal for the laws of Moses, and the honour of their nation and religion. But it was a zeal which brought on with astonishing rapidity the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple, an event which they deemed to be absolutely impossible.

Could any of the numerous pamphlets written by the friends of the court, many of them very sensible men, before the commencement of the American war, be now found, we should see that the reasons urged for the coercion of America, (which was then the favourite phrase,) on the principle that we paid taxes and the Americans not, (and which was maintained to be a measure equally just and expedient,) were so weak as to savour of this infatuation. And the consequences of this strange delusion, which began with the court, infected the clergy, and was propagated through the nation, occasioned the total loss of America, an event which was deemed to be impossible, and indeed which nothing but such an infatuation could have brought about.

But what is more wonderful still, is that, excepting the great addition to the national debt, (which, if the separation of the countries had taken place amicably, might have been

secution till it shall please God to put an end to it; and to expect our reward not in this world, but at the resurrection of the just. But in proportion as a Christian will be patient in suffering, he will be bold to speak, and to write, risking every thing in the cause of God and of truth. (P.)

* See supra, p. 160.

saved,) we find ourselves not the worse, but the better for the event, which both friends and enemies imagined would be our ruin. Let us hope then that, though the present infatuation about the "Corporation and Test Acts," and the violent zeal for the Established Church, should issue in the loss of that church which the clergy would persuade us is necessary to the support of the state, this same state, which existed long before this church was known, may, contrary to their predictions, find itself not the weaker, but the stronger, the lighter, and in all respects the better for it; that after this dreaded event, there will be, what I can easily conceive, even more useful religion in the country than there is now, and this supported at much less expense, and with far less reluctance.

How do we Dissenters support our religion? And are not the morals of our people, which is the end of all religion, especially as it respects the state, as good as those of the establishment? And should not we do this with more ease, if we were not burdened with the support of our share of the established religion besides? The fairest thing would certainly be, for all the members of the state to bear their own burdens, without laying them on the shoulders of others.

Religion costs the American States nothing at all, and yet they have more of it than we have; whereas for the same commodity, and of an inferior quality, we pay a most enormous sum, collected in the worst manner, and besides this give something else that cannot be estimated by money.

Let the clergy be only more strict, and perhaps but a little more strict, than many of them now are in the exaction of their tithes, and the whole business of tithes may soon be over. The greatest enemies to the church are by no means the Dissenters. Nor is this the only way in which the clergy have been working their own destruction. Another foolish and unjust war, like that with America, which was chiefly urged by the clergy, (and such another, if the court proposes, the clergy will certainly second,) can hardly fail to bring their affairs to a crisis. If they be wise, they will con

* When I was attending a debate in the House of Lords in the course of the American war, and one of the bishops was taking the part of the minister in it, the Duke of Richmond suddenly rose, and bade the bishops beware of war. "War," said he," is attended with expense; and if we be distressed, and must have money, we know where we may get it." Indeed, the addition of one hundred and fifty millions to the national debt, occasioned by that war, (which may be called a war of the court and of the clergy,) I consider as a great step towards the destruction of the hierarchy. How powerful an instrument of reformation a heavy national debt may be, we see in the late glorious Revolution in France. May all great evils produce as great a good. (P.)

sider the signs of the times, and be very temperate in all their proceedings. Fas est et ab hoste doceri.

Let them take care lest, by too vigorously resisting our application for what was never intended to hurt them, and what in itself cannot possibly hurt them, they should, by their own violence, do themselves the most serious evil. I have always been an avowed enemy of all civil establishments of Christianity, but many Dissenters are not so. I foresee, however, that they soon will be, and that by means of these discussions, the sentiment will become more general in the nation at large. It begins to be adopted even by the Catholics.

The utility of ecclesiastical establishments is a question that it behoves the clergy always to keep out of sight as much as possible; but their rage against the Dissenters will obtrude it on the public, and in consequence of this, if they proceed as they have begun, I should be sorry to insure their system twenty years longer. Whether I be more pleased or displeased with their present violence, let them now judge. The greater their violence, the greater our confidence of final success. Because it will excite more public discussion, which is all that is necessary for our purpose.

I have been insensibly led much farther than I intended when I began this Preface, but the circumstances of the times must be my apology. If any person whose eye it may catch, take an useful hint from it, it will be well; but an old and true proverb says, Experience keeps a dear school, but fools will learn at no other. Nations, and all great bodies of men, are generally in this situation. They will learn very little except in this dear school.

1

LETTERS TO THE REV. EDWARD BURN.

LETTER I.

On the Principle of Mr. Burn's Objection to my Reasoning concerning the Person of Christ.

REV. SIR,

HAVING had many Letters, and treatises in almost every form, addressed to me on the subject of my religious opi

* See Mr. Berington's admirable Tract, entitled, the Rights of Dissenters. (P.)