approval of the purposes of the Entente Allies and disapproval of the purposes of the Central Powers. In the opinion of a great many Americans an international conscience would long ago have justified us in casting in our lot on the side of England and France. Before the submarine campaign was inaugurated it had become trite to say that American public opinion was wholeheartedly sympathetic with the Allies; that America was very generally convinced that if Germany did not will the war, she did not exert herself at least until too late to avert such a terrible catastrophe; that the theory of the State as power-preached by Treitschke and popularized by Bernhardi—is exactly contrary to the political beliefs of democratic, liberty-loving America; that in a struggle between Prussian military autocracy and democratic ideals our support could not but be given to the latter, and that America abhors this Prussian ideal as evidenced in actual fact: the invasion of Belgium, the atrocities, the violations of international law-all deeds in fulfillment of the injunction of the German War Book that an effort should be made to destroy the complete mate

rial and moral resources of the enemy. "War is an act of violence which in its application knows no bounds." The submarine campaign, with its disregard of the distinction between combatants and noncombatants, with its violation of sacred principles of international law and humanity, has simply been another evidence of this theory. The Allies are fighting our battle; they have been sacrificing for everything we believe in to combat the things that we do not believe in. Only an Allied victory can insure a stable peace and America should not stand indifferently, but should make sacrifices in its turn to fulfill this noble purpose.

Again, the belief is now widely held that the refusal of the United States to continue on friendly relations with Germany may be justified on the ground of policy, on a consideration of our own material interests as the greatest nation of the Western World. A successful outcome of the submarine campaign would mean the destruction of the British Navy, first of all, and secondly, the dismemberment of the British Empire. Without England's sea power to support it, the Monroe Doctrine would be

come a mere brutum fulmen; it would be safer to cancel it as obsolete rather than attempt to enforce it. The security of the colonial possessions of the United States would be endangered and this country would face a most calamitous trade war. The points need not be argued. A moment's reflection is all that is necessary to establish them; and incontrovertible evidence has been furnished by the Zimmermann proposal to Japan and Mexico to join with Germany in an alliance against the United States.

But these considerations were not the ones which forced the United States into war with Germany. The real reason was assigned by President Wilson when he announced to Congress that diplomatic relations had been broken: Germany had wantonly violated international law; she had disregarded the absolute immunity which all neutral citizens have when on the high seas in private, unresisting vessels; she had made pledges only to break them, and her final announcement was so flagrant in its disregard of international right, so insulting in its demands upon the United States, that self-respect alone was sufficient to compel the action then

taken, and when, during the ensuing two months, Germany continued her submarine campaign, if anything more ruthlessly, war, as the ultima ratio, was forced upon the United States; and a nation which up until then had at times appeared too ready to compromise, too eager to avoid an absolute impasse in the controversy, prepared to prosecute its right by force.

Mr. Wilson's address to Congress asking for a declaration of war recognized the grounds other than those upon which his diplomatic notes had been based. "We are now," he said, “about to accept the gage of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included; for the rights of nations, great and small, and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and obedience." And the war was demanded, also, for the pres

ervation of our own safety, since the German Government "entertains no real friendship for us, and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors the intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence."

Yet it remains true that, if it had not been for the submarine warfare, we would probably have remained at peace with Germany; and in regarding such a weapon as evidence that the Imperial Government refuses to subscribe to the humane practices of civilized nations and persists in denying one of international law's most fundamental principles-that the effects of war should be limited to the armed forces of the enemy; in believing that we are fighting for liberty, democracy, and governmental decency, we should not forget the patience which has marked our protests to Germany, nor should we be unmindful of the fact that the contentions of the United States have been morally and legally correct in every particular.

Great wars always cause the sacrifice of neutral rights. This is nothing to be wondered at,