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preceded the French Revolution. The reason for this is not far to seek; the American Revolution was not an internal social reconstruction, but the abolition of external coercion. There was accordingly no discussion of the rights of man, no leveling propaganda, no discontent with the general features of the prevailing system of government. The following extract from a sermon preached in 1765 before the Massachusetts Governor, Council, and House of Representatives, on the occasion of the election of the Council, doubtless represents the attitude toward the government which existed quite generally throughout the colonies.

governmen perhaps the most

perfect

form.

In Great Britain there is a happy mixture of monarchy, aris- British tocracy, and democracy. This is perhaps the most perfect form of civil government. It is the glory of Britons, and the envy of foreigners. How happy is Great Britain in a Prince who accounts it his glory to reign over a free people, and who, we trust, will always make the laws of the land the rule of his administration! How still more happy, in a constitution that scarce admits of tyranny, unless the people themselves become corrupt and venal; and when that is the case, nothing but Omnipotence can save them. It is the safety of the British nation that the monarchy is hereditary, as that right is now understood. It is a favor of heaven that our lawful Sovereign is possessed of virtues which ensure him of Great the love and obedience of his subjects. "Because the Lord hath loved his people, he hath made thee a king over them." May that kind Providence which has so often appeared for our nation, still watch over it for good; disappoint every attempt to subvert their liberties, and preserve them from those internal vices and corruptions which they have more reason to fear than any foreign enemy or open violence!

The form of government in this Province, is a model of the British constitution. Our commander in chief, who represents the king is not elected by ourselves. We do not complain of this as an infringement of our liberties; it rather frees us from many inconveniences which would attend frequent popular elections. Especially may we esteem it a privilege, while we have a Gentleman at our head, who so well understands our civil constitution,

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and who, we persuade ourselves, sincerely aims at the happiness of the people he is appointed to govern. May his Excellency's services for the public always find acceptance with an obliged and grateful people; and may he have the approbation of his great Lord when he gives an account of the talents committed to him!

The other branches of our legislature are chose by ourselves. It refreshes our hearts to see the return of this anniversary and we hope fills them with thankfulness to God. The presence of our General Assembly and the business of this day, put us in mind of the liberties we enjoy, while more than nine-tenths of mankind are in the most abject slavery, and multitudes of them, to the basest and worst of the human race. We conclude it is from the experience their constituents have had of their wisdom and integrity, that so many are returned to serve in the present assembly who have formerly had a seat there. We cannot think the people are yet so corrupt as generally to be influenced in their elections by other considerations. We trust that they, whom they have honored with this mark of their confidence, will have a sacred regard to their interest and will not suffer any sinister views to bias or govern them.

CHAPTER II

UNION, INDEPENDENCE, AND SELF-GOVERNMENT

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It is only by a study of the process through which the thirteen How the colonies became thirteen independent confederated states that revolutionone can hope to understand the general features of our federal possession system. The first fact to note is that the American Revolution of the govwas primarily the work of an active and determined group of men ernment. in each community who organized themselves first into committees of correspondence for stirring up and sustaining the fervor of revolt, and then, as the quarrel grew apace, seized the institutions of government which they found at hand, or constructed new instruments of their own. Boston led the way in the establishment of committees of correspondence by a resolution setting up a committee for that city, and this example was speedily followed by other towns. The colonial assemblies then began, in a somewhat irregular fashion, to appoint committees to represent the colonies as political units, and thus the organized basis of the new nation was laid.

7. The Boston Committee of Correspondence, 1772

RESOLVED as the opinion of the Inhabitants of this Town that they have ever had, and ought to have a right to Petition the King or his Representatives for the Redress of such Grievances as they feel or for preventing of such as they have reason to apprehend, and to communicate their Sentiment to other Towns. It was then moved by Mr. Samuel Adams, That a Committee of The work Correspondence be appointed to consist of twenty-one Personsto state the Rights of the Colonists and of this Province in particular, as Men, as Christians, and as Subjects; to communicate and publish the same to the several Towns in this Province and to the World as the sense of this Town, with the Infringements

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and Violations thereof that have been, or from time to time may be made Also requesting of each Town a free communication of their Sentiments on this Subject - And the Question being accordingly put - Passed in the Affirmative. Nem. Cont. . . .

8. Massachusetts Calls the First Continental Congress

The committees of correspondence were not slow in realizing the necessity of a strong union among the revolutionary forces of all the colonies in order to resist the authority of Great Britain, and in 1774 the Massachusetts House of Representatives, defying the governor's messenger who was knocking at the door to announce a dissolution, passed a resolution calling a congress of colonial representatives to meet at Philadelphia on September 1.

In the House of Representatives, June 17, 1774.

This House having duly considered, and being deeply affected with the unhappy differences which have long subsisted, and are increasing, between Great Britain and the American Colonies, do resolve, that a meeting of Committees, from the several Colonies on this Continent is highly expedient and necessary, to consult upon the present state of the Colonies, and the miseries, to which they are, and must be reduced, by the operation of certain Acts of Parliament respecting America; and to deliberate and determine upon wise and proper measures to be by them recommended to all the Colonies, for the recovery and establishment of their just rights and liberties, civil and religious, and the restoration of union and harmony between Great Britain and the Colonies, most ardently desired by all good men.

Therefore, resolved, That the Honourable James Bowdoin, Esq., the Honourable Thomas Cushing, Esq., Mr. Samuel Adams, John Adams, and Robert Treat Paine, Esquires, be and they are hereby appointed a Committee on the part of this province, for the purposes aforesaid, any three of whom to be a quorum, to meet such Committees or Delegations from the other Colonies, as have been or may be appointed, either by their respective

Houses of Burgesses or Representatives, or by Convention, or by the Committees of Correspondence appointed by the respective Houses of Assembly, to meet in the City of Philadelphia, or any other place that shall be adjudged most suitable by the Committee on the first day of September next; and that the Speaker of the House be directed, in a letter to the Speakers of the Houses of Burgesses or Representatives in the several Colonies, to inform them of the substance of these resolves.

9. Appointment of the South Carolina Delegates to the First

Continental Congress

answered.

The other colonies met the call of Massachusetts by appointing The call delegates to the general conference, and thus originated the of Massaunion out of which the present American nation has grown. No chusetts is uniform method was followed by the discontented leaders in selecting their delegates, but the spirit of the movement for union is revealed in the document recording the action of South Carolina in choosing her representatives. It will be noted that it was merely a ratification of the steps taken by an irregular general meeting of the inhabitants held a few weeks earlier.

In the commons, house of Assembly, Tuesday, the 2d day of August 1774. Colonel Power acquainted the house, that during the recess of this house, viz: on the 6th, 7th & 8th days of July last at a general meeting of the inhabitants of this colony, they having under consideration the acts of parliament lately passed with regard to the port of Boston and Colony of Massachusetts Bay as well as other American grievances, had nominated and appointed the hon ble. Henry Middleton, John Rutledge, Thomas Lynch, Christopher Gadsden, & Edward Rutledge, Esq. deputies on the part and behalf of this Colony, to meet the deputies of the other Colonies of North America, in general Congress, the first Monday in September next at Philadelphia, or at any other time or place that may be generally agreed on, there to consider the acts lately passed, and bills depending in parliament with regard to the port of Boston and Colony of Massachusetts-Bay,

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