For Rome was a little town beside this gigantic metropolis of modern democracy and few of those who welcomed Cæsar knew the story of his conquests or cared how or why the victories came. But the throng that made the cliff-buildings of lower New York a vibrant frame of color, motion and sound, saw in the soldierly figure of Pershing a symbol of the great army that fared fearlessly overseas, leaving thousands of its dauntless boys in French graves.

When the line of automobiles with General Pershing in the place of honor beside Rodman Wanamaker, chairman of the Mayor's Committee of Welcome, swung from Battery. Place into that tremendous man-made chasm of lower Broadway, the very air suddenly seemed to vibrate with the electric energy of America's welcome. From every window of the sky-scraping cliffs came confetti, spirals and showers of paper, so that looking up Broadway in the half mist of the morning it seemed that the atmosphere had mysteriously become visible; a shimmering, moving mass in which crystals and streamers eddied and swirled. The sensation was that of suddenly putting New York under a giant's fluoroscope.

And the noise, the marvelous heart-catching blend of women's shrieks, the deeper note of men yelling as compelledly as wild things cry to the moon. Out in the harbor, tugs, ferryboats, liners, all sorts of craft, were shrieking in ear-torturing dissonance, their whistles tied wide open. Ashore, the compulsion of motion had pulled open the whistles of humanity and had tied wide apart the valves and clutches of repression. In the first automobile Pershing stood erect in his flawlessly fitting khaki, his Sam Brown belt as smooth upon him as though it had been painted upon his magnificent torso. His right arm chopped salutes to right and left with the slashing stroke of a beau sabreur. Not since the news of the armistice was there a crowd so affected as that mass which was banked solidly from curb to building line and stood row upon row at every window.

Here was a girl in the late teens, evidently a stenographer. Her clenched fists were pressed side by side against her breast so hard that it seemed they must bruise the flesh. Down her pale face the tears poured unheeded in streams. She was not

weeping as we understand weeping. Her eyes shone big and brilliant and her lips moved in a repetition of one phrase. "Thank God, Thank God," she said without ceasing. Then there was the picture of the big policeman near Fulton Street whose fallen arches and ample girth proclaimed him a veteran of the force. A mere link he was in the human chain holding back the shrieking, pressing throng but as Pershing passed he suddenly went stark jumping mad, mad with emotion, with joy. No college cheer leader whipping his yelling mates to new atrocities of shrieks could hope to match the efforts of this red-faced, ancient, blue-clad man of peace and law.

"Come on now, let's ye'all yell, shout ye a-a-Yo-OO." His big arms rose and fell like blue flails beating the rhythm for his yells, and the crowd went crazy with him. Surely he had a son or two in the thick of the Argonne. At a guess they were in that famous old fighting 69th and the fighting blood in him had risen at the sight of Blackjack Pershing as the hackles of a fighting terrier rise when battle is near.

But there were thousands of emotional jewels in that great human mass from wherever the victorious processional was set. Boys, rigid in the ecstacy of the moment, mothers whose faces showed their happiness, bookkeepers whose flat chests swelled suddenly and whose bodies straightened with a snap unconsciously as Pershing's vigorous erectness passed before them. And so the processional of triumphant democracy passed through the heart of New York, in a larger sense, through the heart of America, bearing at its head, to receive a formal welcome at City Hall, the symbol of America militant, the home-returned captain of its battle hosts, John J. Pershing.

AM

CHAPTER II

SIGNS BEFORE THE STORM

MERICAN lives and American property were lost in the red welter of the World War long before President Wilson led the nation into the battle line. Before Germany's momentous declaration of ruthless submarine warfare provided the reason for the rupture of diplomatic relations, it was recognized in Europe and America that America inevitably would become a belligerent.

The cause lay as far back as June 28, 1914, when Gavrilo Prinzep, a student in his twenty-first year, shot and killed Francis Ferdinand, heir presumptive to the thrones of Austria and Hungary, and his morganatic wife, Sophia Chotek, Duchess of Hohenberg. The assassinations were committed on the occasion of a state visit by the royal party to Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia.

Prompted by the German High Command, Austria immediately took the position that the Serbian Government was directly responsible for the murders and demanded that authority be granted to Austria to participate as prosecutor and judge in proceedings against everybody accused of connection with the crime. Other demands concerning anti-Austrian sentiment in Serbia were granted notwithstanding their arrogant tone and Serbia asked for further discussion of the demand for Austrian participation in judicial proceedings.

The German High Command which pulled the political strings in Austria as well as in Germany, following a secret conference in the imperial palace in Potsdam, directed that Serbia's pacific efforts should be swept aside and that Austria must declare war upon the Serbian people. The German war party was ready. The Potsdam conference had decided that "The Day" had arrived, the day for which militaristic Germany had planned and for which its officers, soldiers and

sailors had made Spartan sacrifices for more than forty years. It was recognized that Russia would surely espouse the cause of Serbia and that France, true to its treaty obligations would aid Russia. But what of that? The Russian frontier

had been set with pitfalls by Von Hindenburg. The plan of campaign against France had been ready for more than a decade. It involved the violation of Germany's solemn covenant with Belgium and the invasion of that friendly little nation, but no sense of honor troubled the Potsdam plotters. Sir Edward Grey, acting for the British Empire through the British Foreign Office, strove mightily with Russia, Germany, Serbia and Austria to avert the world-shaking catastrophe of war. For a time, it seemed his efforts would be successful, but Germany, resolved upon battle and ready to launch the stroke that was relied upon by its leaders to rivet German Kultur and the principle of military autocracy upon the world, decreed a war that was to violate sacred treaties and drench the world with innocent blood. England's conciliatory efforts were brushed aside impatiently and the mobilization of Germany's conscripted millions went forward silently, remorselessly.

Russia's concentration of troops along the Austrian and German frontiers was made the excuse for a formal declaration of war on Saturday, August 1st. The German Kaiser was in Norway on a vacation yachting trip during the diplomatic preliminaries, but no doubt existed in any of the capitals involved that he was fully cognizant of all the moves of the German High Commands leading to the declaration of war against Russia.

Peace of the entire world was shattered by Germany's declaration of war upon Russia. France immediately prepared for action. It was recognized by that Republic that she must come to the aid of her ally, Russia. Indeed, if she had not, Germany was prepared to invade French soil without such a pretext. While the declaration of war was against Russia, the first German blow was struck against France The utmost efforts of both France immediately directed toward England. keep the British Empire out of the war.

and Germany were Germany wished to The hope of France

lay wholly in bringing England in as her ally in accordance with her treaty obligations. The German Government in a formal note to Great Britain, offered guarantees for Belgian integrity if Belgium did not ally herself with France. Germany also guaranteed to respect the neutrality of Holland, and assured England that no French territory in Europe would be annexed if Germany won the war, provided England remained neutral. Sir Edward Grey in a formal note on July 30th, characterized the German proposition as a shameful proposal" and rejected it.

President Poincaré of France on July 30th, formally asked for an assurance of British support. The British Ambassador to France and King George of England sent qualified refusals upon the ground that they wished to maintain England's position of neutrality in an effort to avert the war. England then sent a note to France and Germany requesting a statement of purpose upon the question of Belgian neutrality. France immediately replied that it would respect every provision of the treaty of 1839, and its reaffirmation in 1870. This guaranteed the neutrality of Belgium. Germany replied on August 1st that it would respect the same treaty if England stayed out of the war.

England's first warlike act was the decision by the British Cabinet on August 2d that if the German fleet attempted to attack the coast of France, the British fleet would intervene. To this Germany replied on the following day, agreeing to refrain from naval attacks on France if England would remain neutral. This declaration however, had been preceded on August 2d by Germany's notice to Belgium of its intention to enter that country for the purpose of attacking France. On the same day, Belgium appealed to the British Foreign Office for aid and was informed that Germany's invasion of Belgium would be followed by a declaration of war by England upon Germany. Belgium thereupon declared its purpose to defend its soil against foreign invasion by any

nation.

The overt act which brought England into the war was committed on the morning of August 4th, when twelve regiments of Uhlans crossed the frontier near Vise, and